A következő címkéjű bejegyzések mutatása: 1. Összes bejegyzés megjelenítése
A következő címkéjű bejegyzések mutatása: 1. Összes bejegyzés megjelenítése

2012. július 25., szerda

Wichita fűkunyhó


(apacs fűkunyhó és wigwam helyett)

1894. oldal, csak kép.

Van caddo fűkunyhó is. 1879. oldal, csak szöveg.

http://www.native-languages.org/houses.htm

Wichita:
http://nothing-is-new.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/Wichita-grass-house.-Date-Created_Published-c1927.jpg
http://lcweb2.loc.gov/service/pnp/cph/3c10000/3c18000/3c18500/3c18599v.jpg
http://plainshumanities.unl.edu/encyclopedia/figures/800/egp.na.127.jpg
http://images.fineartamerica.com/images-medium-large/wichita-grass-house-padre-art.jpg

Caddo:
http://www.texasbeyondhistory.net/kids/houses/grass.html
á, ez még reménytelenebb...

3.VI.5.t Wichita (OK)
A Caddoan-speaking people of possible Arkansas origin the Ousita or Tawakoni are known by the name given to them by the Choctaw, a Mississippi people of whom some moved to Oklahoma. They were called w\a chitoh, or 'big arbour', in recognition of their large houses. The Wichita were an agricultural people who traded with the Plains Indians from whom they adopted the skin tipi for war or hunting expeditions. An alliance with the Comanche against the Osage led to several decades of unrest and considerably reduced numbers. They returned to the Indian Territory (later, Oklahoma) to divide up their land between the five hundred or so survivors.
The 'big arbour' of the Wichita is a large, grass-covered undifferentiated structure which has been noted by explorers since Coronado's expedition report of 1541. This described the houses of the Quivira (the Wichita) in present northeastern Kansas: 'the houses which these Indians have were of straw, and most of them round, and the straw reached down to the ground like a wall' (Bushnell). The Wichita 'grass house' as it has been commonly termed, was built and used until the 1940s, and occasionally later. The ground was prepared by the women,
ciearea or grass ana levelled. A circle was arawn on rnc grouna by the customary means of a stick and rope, and four branched logs or crotches of cedar cut by the men were driven into the ground at the cardmal directions. Other forked posts completed the circle, and horizontal log beams were laid between them and lashed in place.
Four groups of men each sought a long cedar pole, the trees being addressed with an invocation. These were again placed cardinally and tied; further long poles of elm or hemlock, sometimes split, were laid against the framework, placed close together and bound into position with rawhide thongs. Willow rods or osiers were laced horizontally around the structure, securing the inward-curving poles. The upper levels, where the leaning poles were thinner, were drawn taut with a tension ring of twisted grapevine, making the whole a tensile structure. In earlier times four round-headed door openings were provided, but by the late-igth century many houses had two only. One faced east and was used in the morning, the other was opposite and faced the setting sun.
There was no supporting central pole but above the centre at the meeting of the pole frame a cruciform of the first longer and sharpened poles pointed to the four cardinal directions, by which spiritual powers were gathered to help the occupants. According to Fletcher, a separate cruciform was constructed for this purpose. Before thatching, a prayer of dedication to Kin-nikasus, the supreme supernatural being and creator, the 'Man Never Known On Earth', was off^ered here (Curtis). The whole structure was thatched with a thick layer of prairie grass, which was tied to the horizontal rods, a notched log ladder being used when attaching the grass from the inside, the thatchers on the outside standing on the rods of the frame. The thatch was secured in place by further rings of willow rods. Where the rods crossed the leaning poles, thick bunches of grass were tied, producing the deeply ribbed texture evident in early photographs of the Wichita houses. The grass bunch ribs were omitted from some later houses.
On top of the four crossed poles a finial was erected of grass bunches tightly tied and secured to the cross, which symbolized 'the abode in the zenith of the mysterious permeating force that animates all nature' (Fletcher). Below was the fireplace, considered sacred and treated with reverence. A small opening to the east of the crest finial permitted the escape of smoke from the fire. The beds or sleeping couches were made of frameworks of light poles, sometimes integral to the

Wichita_szov1894.txt

2011. május 31., kedd

Irokéz hosszúház / Iroquois Longhouse



Nem találom a könyvben, de más rajzok léteznek biztos.

http://www.pbase.com/fotosforphun/image/109235441
http://randysutherland.blogspot.hu/2011/09/inside-long-house.html
http://discoverburlingtonontario.blogspot.hu/2011/07/no-excuse-for-boredom-in-burlington.html
http://www.ontarioarchitecture.com/Firstnations.htm


A hagyományos irokéz "hosszú házak": fakeretekkel készültek,kéreglapokkal fedve, közel téglalap alaprajzzal, egy-egy ajtóval és egy boltíves tetővel mindkét végén. Gyakorlatilag egy nyújtott indiánkunyhónak tekinthető. Az európai befolyás hatására később függőleges fallal és nyeregtetővel készültek. A "hosszúházak" rendszerint 22-23 láb (6-7 méter) szélesek és 40-400 láb (12 122 m) hosszúak voltak, attól függően hány család élt benne. Belső osztófalakkal készültek, amelyek az egyes családokat elszeparálták egymástól. A kandallók sorát középre helyezték el,amelyen két család osztozott. Egy átlagos "hosszú házban" 5 tűz és 10 család lakott.

Lásd még:

2011. március 22., kedd

Taos, Pueblo / Taos, Pueblo



1930. oldal.
328 is valami.


http://goo.gl/maps/5ZIMA


Az egyesült államok déli részén, Arizona államban, rezervátumban élnek a Hopi indiánok. Egyik ismert településük Walpi. Különleges építészeti emlékük a pueblo (= falu) A pueblo sok család otthona, ahogy a neve is mutatja, egy egész falu lakik benne. Az építmények többnyire kőből, vályogból készülnek, és hatalmasak is lehetnek, lényegében sok-sok egymás mellé-egymásra épített házból állnak.

Linkek:
http://inkido.indiana.edu/w310work/romac/hopi.htm http://www.ancestral.com/cultures/north_america/hopi.html http://www.seekeronline.org/journals/y2008/jun08.htm

Képek:

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Kiva.jpg http://www.radekaphotography.com/images/Taos-Pueblo-L.jpg https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiK6nbtkDtLkW62HOFv9sQV_mDfxkwu9WH9DrY3-c3shVD2Nt9vP6Al2fDevSTbdDJg0TKyDymCg_DSDuPIE2DsOwEVbQV4nfwI077p5pv-LSKg4gr67hXaz74bNL5debP3StvOOwtZLeaT/s1600/Traditional-village-of-Walpi.gif

Chapó Zsolt


3.VI.7.e     Keres (nm)
There are two major linguistic groups among the ig Pueblo Indian tribes of New Mexico, Keresan and Tanoan (including Towa, Tiwa and Tewa). Keres people reside at the
pueblos of Santa Domingo, San Felipe, Cochiti, Santa Ana and Zia which are on or near the Rjo Grande some 50 km (30 mi) north of Albuquerque, New Mexico and at Acoma and Laguna pueblos located 100 km (60 mi) west of Albuquerque in dry canyon lands.
Keres pueblos have followed traditional pueblo planning and construction methods in old village centres and more contemporary building outside traditional centres. Traditional construction is of adobe at river pueblos and stone with adobe at Acoma and Laguna. River pueblos use circular kiua structures, Acoma and Laguna use rectilinear kwas built into housing blocks. The kiua is a religious structure where the sacred dances and oral history of the pueblo are learned.
The Spanish constructed mission churches at all Keres pueblos in the 1600S. rhePuebloansdid not allow church structures within the main area of the pueblo; all stand at the pueblo perimeter. Today, Pueblo religion and Catholicism are both practised simultaneously.
Hopi village of walpi stands on the first Mesa, a narrow ridge of yellow sandstone rock. Arizona
Houses in the Hopi village of Walpi access to the kiva m the foreground

Acoma
Acoma pueblo may be the most famous of all Keresan pueblos because of its spectacular location atop the 120 m (400 ft) high Acoma mesa (flat-topped stone mountain). Structures date to pre-Columbian times, exhibiting traditional pueblo planning, orientation, massingand appearance. Traditional construction is of flat stone-masonr\' units bound with an adobe mortar, then surfaced with adobe plaster. Roof structures are flat and constructed in the traditional manner. Floor surfaces are rock or packed adobe. Water is collected from large natural rock cisterns which store the accumulated rainwater.
In 1640 the Acoma people, under Spanish supervision, built the church of San Esteban at the edge of the mesa top. This most impressive of mission churches possesses a basilica plan, some 45 m (140 ft) long and 9 m (30 ft) wide, rising to 9 m (30 ft) on the interior of the nave. The walls are some 1.8 m (6 ft) thick or more at the base, tapering to 0.6 m (2 ft) at the roof level. The interior is stark with whitewashed walls, an adobe floor and simple folk decoration. The roof is supported by massive vigas transported from Mt Taylor's ponderosa pine forest, some 65 km (40 mi) away. The church is fronted by two massive square bell-towers and the two-storey convento is attached to the north side of the church. In front of the church is the tam-posanto, sacred burial ground, which is surrounded by an adobe wall containing facial images, representing watchful spirits.
In leaving their ancestral home on the mesa, the Acoma have moved to residences in the nearby valley at Acomita and to their traditional farming village at North Pass, now called McCartys. New architecture follows formats inspired by the US Bureau of Indian Affairs. Houses are detached, single-family units of modern design. There are modern community centres, schools, banks and so on. Construction is standard wood frame, steel, concrete and stucco. Nothing of the traditional is carried over into the new, in either planning or substance.
After extensive 20th-century change, the Acoma have been encouraged to restore their ancient mesa pueblo to its original form with preservation grants. New additions follow traditional plans but use modern materials foreign to traditional building methods, such as mass produced adobe brick, milled lumber, stucco and aluminium windows. A majority of the first-floor dwelling units, the kwas and mission San Esteban still retain traditional construction.                

Taos_pueblo_szov1930_31.txt

2011. március 13., vasárnap

Navajo Hogan / Navajo hogan



A navajo indiánok több, egymáshoz hasonló típusú földházban laktak, főként Arizona államban. Voltak férfi és női házak, téli és nyári szállások, ez utóbbiak nem is házak, inkább fedett-nyitott építmények voltak, nevezték ramadának vagy shelternek is őket. Minden hogan fa gerenda tartószerkezettel és teljes vagy részleges föld borítással készült. Az épület padlóját más indián földházakkal ellentétben nem süllyesztették a terepszint alá. Alaprajza kör vagy sokszög alakú, átmérője általában 3-4 méter közötti, belső beosztása a jurtákhoz hasonlóan szigorúan szabályozott, bejárata mindig kelet felé tájolt. Középen, a füstlyuk alatt található a kályha. Energiamérlege, belső klímája a kis lehűlő felület és a nagy hőtehetetlenség következtében még a mai elvárások szerint is jónak mondható.

Források:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hogan
típusok
Window Rock rezervátum
belső kép 1
belső kép 2

Jancsó Miklós

alaprajz a dwellingben: 174. oldal

3.VI 7 h-i Navajo: Window Rock (az; nm)
The central Navajo Reservation, in the Chinle and Fort Defiance, Arizona, areas, and the Ramah Reserve in New Mexico, differ from the peripheral areas in carrying piflon and ponderosa pines and in having a longer history of Anglo-American acculturation (from 1846). These conditions resulted in new dwelling types (although those described above are also found in the central area).
Early in the 19th century, a few stacked-log hogans were built with cribbing (i.e. odd-riered logs) rather than even-nered corbelling. Logs were not notched (corner-timbered), but the
cribbing may still reflect influence from the New Mexico Hispanic cribbed-log tradition introduced early on from the IVlexi-can Sierra Madre, to which it had been imported by Silesian miners. With the availability of steel axes after i88i, and owing to Indian Agency encouragement of 'civilized' cribbed-log houses, in the i88os central Navajos began to build large corner-timbered, polygonal cribbed-log ho^ans, initially for ceremonies. By the mid-20th century, such si\- and eight-sided fio^jans were the most common dwellings in the central area. Single saddle-notching is the most usual among several styles of corner-timbering. Early roofs seem to have been flat, but cor-belled-log roofs soon replaced these, and in more recent times roll-roofing-covered board hipped roofs became usual.
From i88o, sawmills near Fort Defiance have supplied sawn boards, and by the 1920s some frame houses were being built nearby. In the 1930s, polygonal hoijons of lumber and nails began to appear, accelerated by Navajos' experiences in construction during World War II and becoming very common in the ig50s and igöos. Only the use of wood-burning stoves made these poorly insulated dwellings habitable in winter.
Although some hogans continue to be erected - mainly for ceremonial use and in more remote areas - the vast ma|ority of Navajo owner-built dwellings constructed since 1970 have been stuccoed frame houses, and commercially manufactured house trailers and modular houses have also become numerous. Clusters of federally subsidized, standardized, low-rent houses provided with utilities have been erected in many existing communities in recent decades (Jett and Spencer; Jett, 1987, 1992).
s 1 hPHEN C. JETT
3 VI 7 h-ii Navajo: hogan symbolism
To the Navajo, their round winter dwelling made of wood and earth is much more than a house or even a home: the round structure is a representation of the round cosmos, with all of Its sacredness and beauty built in. Therefore, a structure can be built out of cement, tarpaper or earth and still be a ho^an - Its only criterion is to be round and to have been blessed during construction. The hocjan retains its sacredness even during its mundane use, which comprises most of its occupation and describes most of the activities performed inside. However, within the mundane there is a special property, a spirituality that transcends everyday life and needs. This can be seen in the way the dwelling is divided into male and female space, just as the cosmos is also divided (Kent, 1984). The first hocjan was originally built by the Holy People, made of turquoise, white shell, jet, or abalone shell (Kluckhohn and Leighton). In the hogan, east is associated with Dawn, west with Yellow-evenmg-light, south with Day Sky, and north with Darkness or Night (Reichard). The hogan is praised in the Blessingway-the most important of all Navajo ceremonies. The hogan is where harmony exists; the hogan is where beauty walks.
In both the hogan and the cosmos, the four cardinal directions are consecrated with cornmeal particularly during the construction of a new hogan, a process that is filled with ritual. At that time, songs and prayers are presented to the four holy directions where corn pollen is sprinkled (Frisbie and McAllester). The dedication of a new hogan is extremely elaborate, and includes prayers to Sky, Earth and Rain, all of which are necessary to have happiness in the new dwelling (Reichard).
The house blessing (part of the Blessingway) is the initial rite of all ceremonies and consists of laying new oak sprigs in the hogan walls at the cardinal directions, sprinkling them with cornmeal, and singing or chanting (Reichard). The importance of women in matrilineal Navajo society can be seen by the mythical Holy People who are associated with each direction in the hogan. As dictated in the all-important Blessingway, the hogan east post is that of Earth Woman, the south that of a Mountain Woman, the west that of Water Woman, and the north that of Corn Woman (Kluckhohn and Leighton). As the house blessing is a requisite of any curing or other ritual, as one part of the all-important Blessingway, all ceremonies must be performed in a hogan (some Navajos inhabiting rectangular Euro-american style houses built by the Bureau of Indian Affairs maintain a hogan just for ceremonies).
As is the cosmos, so must be the hogan. During everyday use, male space and female space in the hogan are conceptually partitioned; no physical divisions or boundaries exist, any more than any exist in the Nava]o cosmos This conceptual division can be found in the way the universe is put together such as with male rain and female rain The conceptual rather than physical spatial boundary is consistent with the amount of seg mentation in their sociopolitical organization The northern half of the hogan is primarily used bv females and the southern half by males The hotjan opening must always be towards the east to greet the rising sun, an area associated with things sacred Guests (e g shamans or 'singers' as they often are translated into English) are seated in the western portion of the fioijan opposite to the entrance which is conceptually the place of honour I he proper wa> of moving around m the hocjaii is to go in a clockwise direction starting with the east and moving to the south west and north This movement corresponds to the movement of the sun (Pinxten etal )
Navajos occupy the hoijün during the winter, but during the summer the\ occupy a rectangular, and usually more ephemeral, dwelling called a ramada There are no physical par titions in either structure, both are one-room buildings Both are used for the same domestic activities by the same people However, the ramada is not conceptually partitioned while the ho^an IS (Kent 1982) The reason is that the hotjan is considered to be sacred and the rectangular ramada is not Such a belief indicates that Navajos not only use conceptual boundaries to define and differentiate female space from male space, but they use the physical walls of the ho(jan to demarcate sacred space inside the hoijan from non-sacred space everywhere else (Kent, 1982) As a consequence healing ceremonies can occur only in the sacred hocjan and never in a profane ramada Another common practice segregates a space in the hogan for high status individuals, such as visiting shamans, important strangers, or chiefs (western portion of the hogan, next to the conceptual boundary between male- and female-space) It is important to note that the Navajos do not have other physical or conceptual partitioning nor do they use function-specific loci.

Navajo hogan_szov1934_36.txt


Haida hosszúház / Haida Longhouse






1813. oldal. Kwakiutl: 1817. oldal!

http://goo.gl/maps/x60A
http://goo.gl/maps/cV8sM

Kasaan:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kasaan,_Alaska
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kaigani_Haida
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Howkan_Alaska_Hegg.jpg

Rajzzal: http://kavilco.com/pdf%20forms/07.03.07%20Architectural%20Narrative.pdf


A haida hosszúházak négyzet alaprajzúak. Száz éve még talán állt belőlük pár, ma már nem épülnek, inkább csak rekonstruálják őket.

Források:


Kortárs haida szobrászat, Bill Reid:
Bill Reid honlap

3 VI 2 f Haida (Queen Charlotte islands)
Inhabited seven to ten thousand years ago, the Queen Charlotte Islands off the coast of British Columbia, Canada are home to the Haida Indians Geologists determined the islands to be part of the tertiary coastal range originally located in the South Pacific, but pushed northwards by shifting continental plates No glaciation occurred on the islands and consequentíy unique plant and animal life inhabit its terrain
Six thousand Haida Indians inhabited the islands when the first European, Spanish explorer Juan Perez Hernandez, arrived in 1774 Spiritual and material pressures from exposure to
European culture disrupted the Haida's balanced way of life nearly to extinction European-introduced diseases and weapons reduced the tribe's population to 558 in 1915 The population has since tripled
Haida, which means 'people', are of Skittagetan linguistic stock (Denver Art Museum, 1936), and subsisted as fishermen, hunters and gatherers Their isolation resulted in singular development by the Haida, known to be the best canoe-builders and the most sophisticated in the development of Northwest Coast Indian Art (Holm) 1 heir mortuary poles are unique, as are their carvings in the grey-black slate-hke stone known as aigillite'
The Haida believed then land to be supported by a supernatural being-Sacred One StandingandMoving-who supports a cosmic tree containing earth Tangible and mythical animals and sea creatures along with their spirit counterparts composed the thematic and symbolic elements in Haida art and architecture The Eagle and the Raven, the two primary clans (or moieties) to which the Haida belonged, are reflected in their totems and art
Ihe plank house embodies several layers of symbolism A manifestation of the cosmos, a lineage house also identifies the ancestral clan group entry symbolizes ascent from the profane to the spiritual world of ancestors Gable-roofed with the short side facing the water, houses were sited, or aligned according to social rank, with the village chief's house at the centre Facing a thin strand of beach and bordering forests, a sophisti-
cated system of axes linked house and village to the supernatural worlds The axes intersected at the house pit (da), which was the centre of each lineage's world and the focus of ritual ceremonies
'The Haida built two types of house differing mainlv in the approach to construction, rather than in the character of the finished house ' (MacDonald) The first type is a simple post and beam structure, the second relies heavily on joinery, resulting in stronger structures with more interior space The second housetype developed later, primarily in the southern villages, possibly influenced by joinery seen on European ships
The post and beam structure also referred to as a 'two-beam house', roughly 12 m (40 ft) square, is found on Prince of Wales Island in southeast Alaska The second housetype, referred to as a six-beam house', was innovated by the Haida and unique to the Queen Charlottes It integrates the structure through mortise and tenon joints Four slotted and notched corner-posts receive the bottom plate and the sloping roof plate beam Vertical planks fit into gable and base plate slots often steam-bent to weathertight the side walls The roof is supported by angled gable plates at each end, corner-posts and six stout log beams with flat undersides
Houses were built of red cedar using axes and wedges to make corner-posts, support beams and various sized planks Other construction tools included adzes, mauls, chisels, wooden hammers, shell, horn or nephrite (jade) blades and sharkskin for sandpaper Extensive use of metal tools was employed after the arrival of Europeans
The house was constructed with great care and precision, with attention to a building order and regard for symbolic alignments A potlatch celebrated the completion of the house in the final act of erecting the carved frontal pole which bore the crests earned or inherited by the house family 1 he house was entered through a low entrance 'hole' in the stomach of the crest animal carved at the base of the frontal pole support 1 his support function was later revised, possibly with the introduction of hinged doors, and poles were placed in front of the house
The interior of the house was organized around the centre open hearth at which a fire continuously burned The house, about 15 m (50 ft) long, encompassed in an open plan kitchen, dining area, bedchambers, storage space, workshop and a shed for the canoe Sleeping compartments reflected the rank of the inhabitants with the chief's compartment located at the centre back of the house 1 he chief's seat, a legless bench, provided the only typical furmtuie Carved and painted chests stacked in a corner stored winter provisions, hunting and fishing equipment Painted ceremonial screens formed a sacred compartment during ceremonies Parts of the house, including the front, were sometimes though not always, decorated or carved I hough dates are speculative, internal screens and house door poles were described by the Europeans in 1790
Of the 34 villages along the coast in 1774, only Masset and Skidegate survived. The village of Masset, or 'White Slope', in the north Queen Charlottes built the largest recorded Haida house in about 1850 Known as Chief Weah's 'Monster House' or 'Neuwons' it employed two thousand people to build the
17 m (55 ft) square house in an eiglit-beam system ratlier titan the typical six. In 1979 the Haida lineage house was built at Masset as a synthesis of traditional and adopted customs.
Ninstints, or 'Red Cod Island Town', located on the eastern shore of the small Anthony Island, thrived in the 1830s with over 300 inhabitants. It was abandoned in the 1880s as was Skedans, and survivors of the villages moved to Skidegate or 'Place of Stones'. Presently in its process of natural decay, Ninstints was designated as a 'World Heritage Site' in 1981.
White man's first contact with Skidegate was in 1787: the population diminished in the 1860s and by 1884 the old houses were down or in ruins; the village adopted the ways of European settlers. Built by the Haida band council, the recently constructed Council House at Skidegate illustrates a resurgence of Haida culture. A traditional six-beam house, it introduces a glass facade and reinterprets the hearth through the design of a metal lighting hood and conference table, presenting a fusion of tradition and modernity in Haida architecture.

Haida_longhouse_szov1813_15.txt

3 VI 2.1 KwakiutI (BCO)
The Kwakiud live on northeastern Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada, and on the adjacent mainland. They have sometimes been called the 'Southern Kwakiud' and in the iggos have been disdnguished as the 'Kwakwaka'wakw', the 'speakers of Kwak'wala language', following the transcription of the U'mista Cultural Centre. Their territory includes dense rain forest in a climate kept temperate by the Japanese Current; winters are mild and summers moist. In this setting, special skill and technology in the handling of wood continue to be integral to the culture.
Of all the trees available, the most important is the red cedar (Thuja plicata). Straight-grained, its loose, cellular structure creates air spaces, giving it better insulating propertíes than hardwoods. Though not as strong, it is considerably lighter. Most significant, the easily opened cleavage planes allow it to
be readily split, and the wood has thujaplicin, a toxic oil that acts as a fungicide to resist rot in the damp climate. From red cedar, KwakiutI past and present build the traditional rectangular cedar plank 'big house', or longhouse as some popular literature has termed it. Until the early-20th century this was the standard structure for living, eating and sleeping in as well as for ceremonies, but in recent years both old and newly constructed big houses are used primarily for ceremonies.
20th-century ceremonial big houses are based on any of several models current since the late-igth century. Most are 12-18 m (40-60 ft) long, rectangular, built with the narrower gabled side facing a transporation route, and the door in the centre. In some the transportation route includes, as it did traditionally, the water, as well as a road, but often in the 20th-century houses the road provides the major orientation. One housetype has four central posts, a pair near the front and a pair near the rear, each supporting a crossbeam. Two longitudinal beams, making a double ridge-pole, rest on the crossbeams. At each side, three smaller posts support an eaves beam. A second type has three central posts, a large one at the rear and a pair of smaller ones at the front, only the doorway width apart, holding up a short crossbeam. A single ridge-pole rests on the top of the rear pole and on the crossbeam. As in the first type, there are six side posts and two eaves beams. In a third model there are only two central posts with the ridge-pole directly on them. With all three types there are rafters and stringers holding the roof planks, which run from ridge-pole to eaves, interlocking like tiles. In the front and rear there are vertical poles fastened to the rafters and serving to hold the wall planks. The front and rear wall planks are set into a sill, with the side wall planks set directiy into the ground, their top ends fitted into the eaves
beams (Codere) With the development of sawmills in the area since the late-igth century, many houseřront facades are of sawn lumber nailed on horizontally rather than fastened vertically, the large, relatively smooth area this produces is particularly suitable for the painting of family crest designs directly onto the surface By the turn of the centurv glass windows began to appear in the front walls of some houses Yet other houses were framed, but in traditional proportions As with the more fully traditional big houses, these innovative versions served not only as domestic housing but also as ceremonial structures, with the removal of interior partitions and furniture After the first quarter of the 20th century, depending on village location, nuclear family domestic housing of light frame construction became more common Ultimately, as old big houses decayed, it became desirable to construct new ones for ceremonial purposes, from Mungo Martin's in Victoria m 1953, continuing into recent times with the opening of Tony Hunt's big house at Ft Rupert in 1992 A freestanding carved memorial pole may stand outside near the house entrance, again depict-mgcrests.

Haida_Kwakiut_szov1817_18.txt


2011. február 21., hétfő

Inuit iglu / Inuit Igloo



1795. oldal: Iglulik, Baffin island

Források:
http://www.csulb.edu/~aisstudy/nae/to_1600.html

3 VM f Iglulik (Baffin Island, lab nwt)
The Iglulik's domain includes the northwest shores of Hudson Bay, Melville Peninsula, and northern Baffin Island They and their 'neighbours' (Baflfinland Eskimos and Inuit of Quebec to the east and southeast. Caribou Eskimos to the south, and Netsilik and Copper Eskimos to the west) constitute the Central Eskimos (Inuit) All were semi-nomads who focused primarily on seals or caribou
Sheltering up to 50 people in as many as 10 conjoined snow houses, Iglulik winter villages were built near the shore or on sea-ice Construction ideally required two men, one to cut snowblocks, the other to build with them Blocks came from what would be the tunnel and sunken front half of the floor After erecting a circular row some 5 m (16 ft) in diameter, the builder cut down part of it diagonally to facilitate the subsequent spiralling blocks of this parabolic main dome Added next were a pond-ice window, facing south towards daylight, and a vent-hole overhead, while women and children chinked holes with snow chunks and shovelled snow to insulate the exterior Built last, tunnels effectively reduced air drafts Practised teams could finish a house m an hour or less
Brush, baleen strips, and/or furs covered the large rear platform that served residents day and night Small side platforms were for storage and the essential mammal oil lamp, above which hung a cooking pot and drying rack I wo families might
share a sleeping platform, each to its own side of the platform, at which women regulated the lamp for heat and light.
Snow houses varied. Tunnels were either domed or flat-walled and -roofed. Cut into the front face of platforms, niches permitted extra storage. Copper Eskimo dances took place in an appended dome, and low exterior walls kept winds from eroding the residential dome. Only Caribou Eskimos cooked over heather fires in an antechamber. In spring, they removed their main dome's melting centre and substituted a skin roof, whereas Copper Eskimos used poles to create flat or gabled skin roofs as the weather warmed.
Central Eskimos split into small family units in summer and lived m tents of two types, ridge or conical. Covers of sewn caribou or seal furs were weighted with rocks or other materials. Iglulik tents were perhaps 2-3 m x 5 m (6.5-10 ft x 16 ft) and used a centre pole topped with a short crosspiece at the rear. A thong connected that pole to a front one, acting as ridge and guy line. Caribou Eskimos and some Inuit of Québec lived in conical tents with protruding poles and laced-up covers; Netsilik tents were centre-pole cones with radiating weighted thongs that spread the cover. Copper Eskimos modified the basic cone by adding a ridge pole and enlarging the cover forward.
Like other Central Eskimo autumn houses (qarmats) designed for one or two families, the Iglulik version had stone, bone and turf walls beneath a skin roof Iglulik also built an ice-slab, skin-roofed house of octagonal plan 4 m (13 ft) in diameter.

iglu_szov1795_6.txt