Tutaj ház, Belen, Peru

Könyvben nem kerestem még.

http://www.flickr.com/photos/pierre_pouliquin/473097437/
http://www.flickr.com/photos/pierre_pouliquin/522523339/in/photostream/
http://www.flickr.com/photos/pierre_pouliquin/sets/72157594375583376/with/522523339/
http://dawnontheamazon.com/blog/2010/05/07/lets-go-on-a-day-trip-with-dawn-on-the-amazon/
http://www.flickr.com/photos/pierre_pouliquin/313816062/
http://bubuiainstitute.files.wordpress.com/2010/10/houseboats_iquitos_peru_feb_2002_1.jpg
http://www.flickr.com/search/?q=belen%2C%20peru
http://www.flickr.com/photos/mywayaround/sets/72157623270105990/with/5207628025/

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Xingu indiánok Maloca kunyhója / Maloca Xingu

A Xingu indiánok lakóhelye. A Xingu indiánok kifejezés nem egy törzsre utal, hanem a Xingu folyó mentén élő indián törzsekre, kajapók stb. Az asszonyok a maniókaültetvényeken dolgoznak, a férfiak pedig vadásznak, halásznak. Lakóhelyük az ősi maloca kör alaprajz továbbfejlesztése, favázra rakott, kúpos, pálmalevelekkel fedett építmény. Hozzávetőlegesen egy maloca 30-40 méter hosszú, 16 méter széles és elérik a 9 méteres magasságot. Több család is lakik egy malocában. Egy-egy kunyhó mintegy harminc embernek nyújt fedelet. Hat hónap alatt építenek föl egyet, s körülbelül tizenöt évig tart.

Linkek:

falu
Xingu
szerkezet

Futár Dóra

rafters are fixed into the ground surrounding the peripheral struts and placed far enough from them to be tied to the ridgepole, fixed on top of the central struts. The ridge-pole is perceived as a stick on top of the head of someone who carries it, in this case, the house itself an anthropomorphic being. The back rafters are projected forward of the construction, forming its 'teeth'. They are tied to tree-trunks still with roots, which arc the 'ears' of the house. Wood segments, the 'earrings', pierce the 'ears' and touch the 'jaw' located inside the construction. Leather strips and laths reinforce the vaulted structure of the roof forming the other ribs-of-the-house. The covering- 'hair' - is a result of interlacing grass with the 'rib' laths. Sections of this vault have names such as buttocks, breast, back, neck and nape-of-the-house.
A special construction, the house of the flutes, or middle-house, is reserved for the purpose of socializing among male individuals, besides being considered a holy place. It contains the masks and the ritual equipment related to the ceremonial flutes which are forbidden to the women, and is where the men are painted for the celebrations. Close to this construction, still in the centre of the village, the boys' and teenagers' ear lobes are pierced. Thus, the Indians establish a clear separation between the public and private, reserving the centre of the village as a public place, equidistant from the periphery where the houses are located.
The geometrical centre of the upper Xingu village coincides with, or is the same as, the cemetery. The upper Xingu Indians also establish a gradation between the living and the dead, which is shown by various positions of burial sites within the tribal territory and their position in relation to the villages.
The area of the village is determined by the way people move
in it and it reveals how they relate to each other, indicating a diagram in which social relationships are printed and revealed.
3 V1 h Kayapó (Para)
Kayapó people belong to the lê speaking group of Amazonia. They inhabit the southeast of the state of Para between the Araguaia and the Xingu rivers. The settiement was located in a flat area near the jungle and the river. The landscape is composed of the semi-humid tropical jungle favourable for hunting and fishing. At the same time that the indigenous territorial boundaries were being setded, their agricultural activities had become the main base of their material subsistence. Agriculture does not relate to Kayapó cosmology but is conditioned by rain and dry weather.
Kayapó traditional dwellings respond to the hot climate of the northern region of Brazil. The plan form is rectangular without indoor divisions and the area varies according to the number of inhabitants. The roof has a stressed pitch and is covered with straw from the palm tree (babaçu). Three walls of the house are closed off with babaçu straw and the fourth is open to the courtyard with a wide veranda. The structure of the roof has stays, and a large beam tied with a flexible fibre bark (embira).
The interior is divided into sectors and localizes the places of each nuclear family. A rude bed (catre) is used for sleeping, as seating and as a table. The catre is made with four short stays, four beams and the leaves of a tree called Paxuba. The fire centralizes the catres and has the function of making the house warm during the cool nights. Many baskets, pans, gourds and wicker creel are hung on the stays and walls. At the veranda there are some balconies (jiraus) made of straw and mat woven from straw and palm. This area is where the food is dried, but in the backyard there is an earthen furnace where it is prepared and cooked.
Kayapó settlements have a circular form surrounded by dwellings. The centre of the settiement is the symbolic point where the rituals and ceremonies take place. The symbol of the world is represented by a round musical instrument, a inaraca, which is played during the ceremonies. While the male council meets at the central point, the women have their meeting at the veranda of the chief's house. Each day the men work and conduct their activities at the men's house which is on the west side of the settiement. This house has a rectangular plan form with a pitched roof When the Auranâ ceremony occurs the men's house is closed off with palm tree leaves, forbidding the entrance of women.
The Kayapó house represents the female place and the male visits it only to eat and sleep. It is inhabited by a nuclear family and eventually by others when the daughters get married, the descent being matrilineal.
The social morphology of Kayapó is beyond the settiement. Men and women occupy a variety of places according to the ecological, structural and social cycles during the year. At times of celebration the dwellings are abandoned and people sleep in the courtyard on woven mats. In the dry season they go to the plantation or jungle for hunting and fishing and lead a nomadic life, constructing temporary houses.
If the space is not a fundamental symbolic reference, the Kayapo tradition is maintained by the ceremonies and dance ritual I hese remind them about the past construct the present and reinforce the sense of living in a community

Xingu_maloca_kepszov1628_29.txt

Shabono / Shabono

A yanomamö indiánok Venezuela és Brazília határán, az Amazonas menti esőerdők mélyén élnek, építményük egyben a faluközösséget is jelenti. A nagyméretű ovális tető szerkezetét fából építik, a tetőt pálmalevelekkel fedik. A 30-50 méter átmérőt is elérő tető alatt él az egész falu, itt alszanak, itt vannak közös tereik, szakrális tereik és raktáraik. A tető alatt 80-350 ember is lakhat, és minden családnak megvan a maga szakasza, amit nekik is kell felépíteni. Az építmény közepén nagy üres terület van, amit ünnepeken és közös tevékenységeknél használnak a yanomamik.

Források:
Yanomamö

Shabono
Shabono 2
Yanomami falu
Képek yanomamikról
Képek 2
Képek 3
Elemző ábrák a shabonoról
Elemző ábrák 2

Egy tanulmány

Farkas István

3.v,l.t Yanoama (Amazonas)
Also known in the ethnographical literature as the Yanomama, Waiko, Shirishana and Guaharibo among other terms and variants, the Yanoama have been the subject of considerable exposure since the mid-1970s, when their territory was threatened by the building of the Trans-Amazon highway, and planned uranium mining. Believed to be the only remaining large tribal complex in Latin America living on its own lands, of some 77000 sq km (^0000 sq mi) in Venezuela and part of Brazil, the Yanoama live in a heavily forested, mountainous region. Keeping away from the river with its troublesome insects, they cultivate plantain as their staple crop, though they are generally classified as 'paleo-lndians', being expert hunters with bow and curare-tipped arrow. Much given to warfare, aggression and revenge, the male Yanoama frequently engaged in raiding other Yanoama villages; a more peaceful image has been projected in over fifty films made about them.
Though Yanoama technology is simple, and accessible to all, it includes certain ingenious devices, including pairs of lashed crossed poles used in tree-climbing, and a sling employed when thatching or working at a height on a building. The most significant item of material culture is tlie inhabited clearing (shabono), which takes a number of related forms. The shabono may be constructed as a single, large dwelling with low walls and a conical roof with a smoke vent, or as a larger building
with a substantial opening at the centre. At its most extreme, it is a continuous peripheral structure surrounding a great plaza, which is, in effect, the roof vent enlarged to create a huge communal space. Differences in size of the shabono are principally determined by the number of people which it is built to accommodate. This may vary due to the complexities of Yanoama social organization, which draws new lineages into an autonomous kin-based residential unit (ten), by the exogamous marriage ties. It also leads to ten fission, producing new groups that may be genealogically related, but separately established and in alliance, or not infrequently, in confier.
Essentially, the shabono is built in sections, or nano-like slices of a pie, each nano being constructed by the man and his family who are to occupy it. The segments are built like the temporary camp shelter (bejefa or yahi), which is used when the Yanoama make their dry season sorties into the forest. Hardwood poles provide the initial framework for such a segment, short ones, approximately 1.5 m (5 ft) high, being placed at the outer periphery, and further posts, twice as high, are made earthfast approximately 3 m (10 ft) nearer to the centre. Horizontal poles are lashed with lianas as purlins and ridge between the pairs of posts. This framework, which places the posts in approximately triangular relationship to each other, is matched by others built by kinsmen and their families within a circle, the number of family units defining the size of the structure and the exposed central space. Many slender saplings, up to 9 m (30 ft) m length, are laid as light rafters over the parallel purlin and ridge so as to produce a canopy frame at an angle of around 30°, cantilevered for some 3 m (10 ft) towards the centre.
Vines or lianas are interwoven successively between the rafter saplings, each providing an attachment for fronds of the bisha palm, some of the leaves being inserted in the row below from within the shelter and bent over the vine to produce a layer of thatch. Successive layers overlap to produce, if well-made

and maintained, a rain-resistant inclined roof, the upper layers on the unsupported cantilevered part, being placed from a scaffold Supporting poles are spaced at intervals to prevent sagging of the cantilever and its burden of thatch which is ter minated bv a suspended fringe of leaves 1 hough there are van ants, for instance in the number of posts used, all shabonos are built in similar fashion
When the individual residential units are complete they ring the central space with a distance of a metre or so between them The gaps are closed and thatched, except where entrances are defined A defensive palisade is built to surround the entire structure Each famih lives within its nano the open front (jcja) facing the clearing, and the small Yanoama hammocks slung between the pole supports in a triangular arrangement about a hearth Calabashes, baskets and gourds hang from the roof frame, while firewood is stacked vertically at the shico, the back of the dwelling, to form a wall I he supported structure is the domain of the famil), the area below the overhanging thatch being a semi-public area, while ceremonies are performed in the central communal space A small shabono mav have onl) si\ hearths and a diameter of 15 m (50 ft), an average one may be over 30 m (100 ft) in diameter and have more than 25 hearths accommodating some 80 people in four or five kinship groups the largest may accommodate double this number and be 60 m (200 ft) across
Beyond the palisade are the garden plots of the ten where cane for arrows, cotton, gourds, tobacco and other plants are grown for various uses and manioc, sweet potatoes, yams and other edible plants are raised in addition to plantains the van eties depending in part on the terrain, the altitude and the pref erences of the widely dispersed Yanoama tribes Complete in Itself the shabono will last for a couple of years before it begins to leak and become infested with insects Sometimes the shabono may be burned down and a new one erected on the same site or within the vicinit) When the ten assimilates other lineage groups or when fission takes place, the shabono is abandoned A new site is cleared nanos built and another is established - part of the cycle of structural processes which perpetually engages the Yanoama and is constituent to their social life Following exposure to the outside world and the visits of missionaries and others, since the 1970s the Yanoama have tended to live nearer to the rivers, building walls to their yahi and sometimes adopting the pitched roofs of their neighbours, the Yekuana

Shabono_szov1639_40.txt

Kecsua ház Peruban / Quechua House, Peru

A falai jellemzően kőből, a tetőfedés szalmából készül. A quechuák kokacserjéből és egyéb gyűjtögetésből élnek, társadalmuk, hitük alapja a család. Egy-egy ilyen kunyhó a hegyvidéki vándorlás-gyűjtögetés alkalmával szolgálhat hajlékul. Valószínüleg időről időre az épület megújul, legalábbis tetejét cserélni kell. Alapterülete kb. 3 x 6 méter, ovális formájú. Egyetlen bejárattal, belül egy helyiséggel.

Források:

a quechua kultúráról

másik quechua ház

még egy quechua ház

Őry Balázs

3 V2 J Collasuyu Quechua (Argentina, n, Bolivia; Chile, n)
Collasuyu was the southernmost of the four kingdoms of the Inca empire (Taujontinsuyu) and covered what is nowadays the Andean area of Bolivia, as well as parts of northern Argentina and Chile. Quechua is the main language in highland Bolivia, especially the departments of Cochabamba, Chuquisaca and Potosi' and is spoken in the countryside and small towns. Monolingual Quechua speakers are referred to as campcsinos, the term 'Indian' having fallen from use since the revolution of 1952.
The Quechua-speaking region ranges from 4000 m (13 100 ft) to 1500 m (5000 ft) in altitude. The population depends on subsistence agriculture and livestock, mainly sheep and goats, which are grazed on common pastureland. The flat upland
pampas are relatively productive and are given over to potatoes, barley, wheat and broad beans; the lower slopes are typically poorer and are more subject to erosion. The most fertile areas are the irrigated valley bottoms which can produce two or three harvests a year; below 2800 m (9200 ft) maize becomes the principal crop, accompanied by peanuts, potatoes and a variety of vegetables and fruits.
Most rural settlements are dispersed or semi-dispersed, with the houses situated on or close to the permanently cultivated lands. Until the revolution of 1952 most of the land in highland Bolivia was divided into large estates, and the peasant farmers were obliged to carry out unpaid work in the landlord's house and fields. Most of the estate lands and houses have since been abandoned, but they often form the nucleus of the present-day communities. In recent years some communities have established nucleated setdements, mainly to avail themselves of a piped water supply, or occasionally electricit>', and to be near the village school or health post. Houses are usually occupied by a nuclear family, which may be extended to include an aged relative or a recendy married son, or perhaps daughter, spouse and small children.
In the upland areas a house is usually surrounded by a high wall, 2.5 m (8 ft) in height, and comprises two or three separate rooms, each of about 3 m x 4 m (10 ft x 13 ft), facing inwards into a small courtyard. One or two of the rooms will be used as sleeping accommodation and the others as storage space, for tools, grain and potatoes. A kitchen is also located within the courtyard, although it may be no more than a roof over the hearth.
The walls are all built of adobes or of rough stone laid with mud-mortar, and the top of the outer wall is covered with straw or branches (uiaylla) to protect it from rain. In some houses the walls are plastered and in others the adobe or rough stone is left exposed. In southern I'otosi there are more regularly finished stone walls, slates being used to give the walls a smooth exterior. The roofs are thatched, using grass (ichu) or branches (sunchu) or, in the more prosperous villages, covered with fired tiles; the thatch or tiling is laid over a framework ofcanes and in some cases there is a false ceiling of cloth. The floors are typically of beaten earth, cobblestones or slates.
On the lower slopes of the valleys the houses are adapted to the warmer conditions and to the steep terrain. The patio is often built up with as much as i m (3 ft) of dry stones and rather than being surrounded by high walls, the house looks out over
the valley Attheback there is an open room up to lo m (33 ft) in length, used to receive visitors and for sleeping in warm weather In some areas particularly where rural communities have regrouped into nucleated settlements development agencies have promoted an uiban stvle of housing, with hred bricks and tin fibro-cement or tiled roofs and glass windows Ivpicallv, these houses comprise only one or two rooms and the> lack the privacy of the traditional constructions indeed, in some cases the new constructions have simply been used for storage while the families continue to live in their old houses.

Quechua_szov1655_56.txt