Ema (uma), Közép-Timor, Indonézia

1090. oldal

http://www.seasite.niu.edu/easttimor/indigenous.htm
http://epress.anu.edu.au/austronesians/inside/mobile_devices/ch06s11.html
http://www.sumai.org/asia/atoni.htm

2 11.2 f Ema (Timor, c)
The Ema, a sedentary farming people of central Timor, live essentially in villages in hilly country. Their houses are built on stone terraces which allow fast and safe draining even in torrential rains. There are two types of building: the house (uma) and the granary (lako), whose enclosed upper part is used to store grain, other foodstuffs and objects such as musical instruments. The open lower part serves as a meeting place, a workplace for the women and as a place to put up guests during ritual ceremonies.
Both the houses and the granaries are built on piles, on which rest the wooden beams which form the supporting frame of the house floor. The floor is built in two parts: namely, the entrance and a large all-purpose room separated from it by a wall made of planks fitted in between wooden posts. A single wooden door opens through this 1.8 m (6 ft) high wall. It is usually adorned with two sculpted breasts, a buffalo horn and carved spirals. The three other walls of the room are made of vertical bamboo laths which are held in place by wooden crossbars running through the posts. The whole of the house floor is sheltered by a roof thatched with Itnperata cyimdrica, which nearly reaches the ground. The roof structure is supported by a mast resting on a crossbeam, itself supported by two posts, one 'male' and one 'female', which are embedded in the eastern and western walls of the house and planted in the ground. The upper ends of these posts form tenons which fit into mortises at either end of the crossbeam. The roof therefore rests on a beamwork of horizontal and vertical frames fixed on trusses.
All houses are built according to the same plan. They vary only in size, workmanship and the shape of the roof The roof is either circular or oval in plan (in this case with a ridge). A urban Dutch house stairway leads from the terrace through an opening in the low mside wakaiiar fort roof to the entrance and to the door, which opens into the single square room. The room is divided into two areas, one female (on the side of the 'female' post) and one male (on the side of the 'male' post). The 'female' area, which is the smaller one, contains a hearth with five stones - the 'mother' and her four 'children' - over which hangs a wooden lattice used to store dry goods. The sacred objects of the house are kept in the bigger 'male' area.
Although all houses are built according to the same plan, they differ by their status. The lineage house, built within the limits of the ancestral villages, which are located nearest to the hilltop, symbolizes the unity of the group that claims descent from a founding ancestor and original builder of the house. It is called a 'sacred house' for it contains the heirloom of the ancestors and the various objects required to perform the ritual. The building or rebuilding of a lineage house is surrounded by numerous rituals which run for a period of several months. Elder and younger brothers, whether biological or classificatory, who can claim to be part of the lineage of the founding ancestor of the house, take part in these rituals together with their wife-takers

and wife-givers. The most important ritual is the one that accompanies the physical completion of the building and also makes it symbolically complete. This ritual gives rise to a great feast called 'eating the house' which can gather over a hundred people. Animal sacrifices, fecundity rites, invocations of ancestors, distributions of food and ceremonial exchanges between the members of the house and their wife-takers and wife-givers take place during the feast. Thus, on the occasion of the rebuilding of the lineage house every ten years or so, the cohesion of the group is reinforced while its relationship with its affines is reaffirmed.

Ema_szov1090_91.txt

Niha: ewali, Dél-Nias, Indonézia

1119. oldal

http://goo.gl/maps/pTIJO (talán)
http://www.indonesiatraveling.com/images%20nieuwe%20opzet/Sumatra%20Pics%20WM/N-Sumatra-Nias%201600%20.jpg

http://www.sumai.org/asia/nias.htm

2 11.3 k NJha: ewali(Nias, s)
The island ofNias lies 120 km (75 mi) westofSuma-tra, in the Indian Ocean, at about 100 km (62 mi) north of the Equator. It is part of a string of islands marking the western limit of the Indonesian archipelago. Its surface is 4475 sq km (1745 sq mi).
Nias island has a mountain range about 500 m (1650 ft) above sea level, running northwest to southeast; the highest altitude of the island is 8go m (2920 ft) above sea level. Most of the area consists of hilly land, with alluvial plains limited to the coastal areas.
All the population seem to be of common stock. They claim to be Niha (i.e. from Nias) and place their ancestors in the Gomo area, in the centre of the island. According to 1987 figures, the population ofNias island was 537 690 inhabitants. Its distribution is proportional to the importance of the regions: 61 per cent in the north (328 666 people), 27 per cent in the centre (145435) and 12 per cent in the south (63 589). To this total population can be added those inhabiting the Batu islands, who represent about 3.5 per cent of the total Niha population.
In the south ofNias island, often distant from each other, the emali villages lie on a flat spot of the ridge of a hill, surrounded by coconut trees. They are independent 'republics' under the authority of a chief, and offer an example of morphologically shut and well structured units with a nearly urban aspect. Their population varies from one hundred to many thousand inhabitants, who live mainly from farming and tourism.
In the past, to control an endemic state of war, villages were fortified and are reached by large stone stairs of several hundred steps, their stringers sometimes decorated with low-relief animals, plants or weapons. On top of the stairs a gate was watched day and night by armed sentinels.
Through the gate, the village street is a distinctíy paved main lane, about i m (3 ft) wide, dividing the space in half This public path goes through the village. From there, crosswise paths lead to the dwellings. This semi-private area is where laundry and field produce are left to dry. Under the houses, a raised pavement protected from rain by the overhanging roof is a private outdoor area used mainly for domestic chores. On the street side a stone ditch for water drainage is carefully built and slightíy sloped towards the village ends to ensure correct evacuation. At regular intervals, stone slabs make crossing it easier. In front of this canal, on the street side, is a 'wall' of megaliths, the space of social representation showing the rank of the house owner obtained through 'feasts of pigs'. The most numerous megaliths are near the centre of the village, the settlement generally developing from the chief's house and the dwellings of the oldest families established around it.
The houses, entirely built with local vegetal materials, are rectangular, narrow and deep (4 m x 12 m [13 ft x 40 ft]), semidetached, and line both sides of the public street. A footbridge giving access links each pair with its opposite building. The visual impression is that of a continuous roof over a narrow longitudinal window running all along the street.
Buildings of the ordinary people stand on five lines of four piles and have five levels of framework. Five pairs of slanted pillars in the depth and four in the width brace the building.
Houses for the 'nobles' and the 'councillors' are larger and deeper with seven rows of piles and seven levels of framework. The walls made of planks assembled by tongue and groove and embedded at their base and top in two massive longitudinal beams, form the gables supporting the roof frames. These are

braced by slanted beams. The ridge-pole rests on a vertical kingpost over the last frame.
The mterior is occupied by a front public room and rear family rooms. A hearth is built in the wall dividing the two parts. The facade of the building composed of several raised platforms, used tor sleeping or sitting, overhangs the pavement. The front extremities of the beams over the piles are raised in a snake or deer's neck shape. No sculptures adorn the facade or theinteriorexcept'nobles'houses.

Niha_ewali_szöv1119_20.txt

Niha: öri, Észak-Nias, Indonézia

1120. oldal

http://goo.gl/maps/9XqJD
http://www.panoramio.com/photo_explorer#view=photo&position=6&with_photo_id=67668520&order=date_desc&user=4737995
http://www.panoramio.com/photo_explorer#view=photo&position=7&with_photo_id=67668516&order=date_desc&user=4737995
http://goo.gl/maps/yoAT
http://www.indonesiatraveling.com/images%20nieuwe%20opzet/Sumatra%20Pics%20WM/N-Sumatra-Nias%201600%20.jpg

http://www.sumai.org/asia/nias.htm
http://juliesartoni.blogspot.hu/2012/03/traditional-architecture-of-indonesia.html
http://tropical-architecture.blogspot.hu/2011/06/traditional-nias-houses.html

2 II 3 k-i Niha: öri
The north of Nias is characterized by the primacy of the clan as a mark of identity, referred to as a physical and political territory, the 'on'. The villages of each on partake of a customary law and are associated in a defensive and economic alliance. The chiefs of the villages do not have the same status. The chief of the eldest branch of the clan has the higher position and the government IS assumed by the assembly of all chiefs under his authority.
When a man in a village wishes to attain the highest ranks, he must create a new village, the final stage being to become chief of an on by founding one. Thus this system associates social and spatial mobility.
The villages are generally small (from a few houses to a few dozen). The buildings are set on both sides of a central square, this being seldom paved and often muddy. In front of the buildings, a row of megaliths - menhirs, fiat stones, anthropomorphic statues and cenotaphs - commemorate the social rank of the owner. There are many different layouts. Several villages can be close to each other, or buildings dispersed over a relatively vast territory can belong to a single village.
The houses are built on small mounds or on oval cobbled platforms bounded by rain-water ditches. The surface sheltered by the roof is used for domestic tasks or as storage space. The dimensions, in particular the height of the pillars, the entrance system and the decoration, vary with the location, the period of construction, and the rank of the owner. The oldest

houses date back nine generations They are built on piles up to 3 m (10 ft) high rhe entrance, under the building, is closed by a sturdy trap door The most recent, fifty years old, have piles between i 2 m (4 ft) and i 6 m (5 ft) Ihc access is through a veranda along one of the half-round sides of the building
The oval house is like a huge umbrella four central pillars going from the ground through the floor carry the whole framework, the ridge-pole is carried by two central pillars resting on the dwelling floor In larger buildings, four other pillars resting on the floor help to carry the framework The understructure is composed of a forest of vertical and oblique piles bracing the whole The ones under the centre of the house are sometimes loaded with stones or beams to make the structure more resistant
The oval of the floor is obtained by the understructure's
beams, their different lengths determining the limit of the semicircular sides I our low beams, two lengthways and two half-round, |oin the heads of the understructure beams Ihe semicircular shape of the beams is obtained by halving the |oint assembly of several units
The roof framing is organized from pairs of superimposed frames perpendicular to the facade, borne by the four central pillars, and strengthened by transverse purlins Resting over each level of frame, longitudinal joists of different lengths according to their level complete the roof framing Tied to their ends, a bamboo ring purlin gives its roundness to the roof
The number of levels of the roof, usually three to five platforms, depends on the rank of the owner Old chiefs' houses had up to seven

The flexible bamboo rafters cross at their top over the ridgepole, and are tied at each level to the bamboo ring purlins and side purlins of the roof framing. The panels, as in the whole island, are made of folded sago leaves sewn onto split bamboo. This ensures their stiffness and enables them to be fastened onto the rafters with rattan ties. To render the covering waterproof double panels are placed overlapping both vertically and horizontally, the result being a covering six layers thick.
The ficades are completely independent of the bearing structure.
A large, public front space takes up half to two-thirds of the building, on the entrance side. It is used both for receiving visitors and as a working or resting place. Guests and male unmarried children sleep here. Before Christian times, numerous statues of house gods and ancestors were fixed to the pillars and walls. On the right-hand wall, near the long frontal bench, is a shelf where the figures of ancestors formerly stood.
The rooms and hearths are in the last third, their number varying according to the number of nuclear families living in the house. The kitchen is arranged at the back of the house, or below in an extension. The hearth is a wooden box filled with earth, and where three cooking pots are disposed for water, rice and vegetables. It is surmounted by a wooden structure with shelves to store heating wood, utensils, food and seeds. The rice containers can be either chests, as elsewhere in the island, or large cylindrical bark receptacles.

Niha_öri_szöv1120_22.txt

Wewewa ház, Sumba sziget, Ratenggaro, Indonézia

1002. oldal
312. tetőfedés

http://goo.gl/maps/AAbZ
http://goo.gl/maps/YZN3

http://www.sumai.org/asia/sumba.htm - nagyon sok, de nagyon kicsi kép
http://danieltrih.wordpress.com/2012/06/04/staying-a-night-in-sumba-south-west-elopada/ - sok kép, de mindenki nyugati ruhákban van
http://www.hpgrumpe.de/reisebilder/nusa_tenggara/sumba/sumba_1.htm - térkép és szöveg
http://instagram.com/p/RKLXD/
http://www.flickr.com/photos/antonemus/4568568276/in/set-72157628617125631/
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4e/Houses_bondokodi_sumba.JPG/800px-Houses_bondokodi_sumba.JPG
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/87/Traditional_house_Ratenggaro_Sumba.jpg
http://farm3.staticflickr.com/2674/3957515466_b295f4d4dc_b.jpg

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H8nXJYbn0nk

2 II 2 r wewewa (Sumba, w)
The Wewewa are sedentary farmers who raise horses, buffaloes, swine and poultry. They are the largest ethnic group in west Sumba. The Wewewa landscape is one of hills and highlands dominated by Mt Yawila, which rises to a height
of 888 m (2913 ft). After a period marked by many migrations, the Wewewa settled in villages on hilltops overlooking a network of rice fields irrigated from a spring. This complex forms the main ritual centre of the whole Wewewa territory.
Trees hide these villages, some of which are still surrounded by stretches of defensive stone walls. The houses are built around a central plaza ringed by tombs. Although all houses (umma) - a notion encompassing both a buildingand the social unit connected to it - recognize their subordinate genealogical position with respect to a so-called 'mother-and-father' house, their relationships are defined mainly through the tasks assigned to them either during the rituals performed at the 'mother-and-father' house or during those connected with the farming of the rice fields on which several ancestral villages are dependent.
'Younger brothers' left these ancestral villages to found corral villages and field villages where houses originating from different villages can be found. The members of these houses still recognize their village of origin and must take part in the rebuilding of their ancestral house. A symbol of the group's unity, this house is characterized by its high-peaked roof, in contrast to the other houses, which share the same plan but do not have a high-peaked roof Roof height is an index of social status or ritual importance. It is this ancestral house which is described below.
The house is built on wooden piles, according to a rectangular plan. There are three levels: the ground level, where animals can be kept at night; the platform inhabited by the household; and the loft-like space under the upper part of the roof where the 'contents' (e.g. ancient swords, spears and gold adornments) of the house are stored. These contents form an inalienable heirloom which is excluded from all exchanges. The status of the house stems partly from these sacred objects. As this sacred heirloom guarantees the continuity of descent, their dispersal could put an end to the lineage.
The house is built by a couple of people skilled in carpentry together with members of the house and affines. Traditionally, only vegetal matter is used: wood, bamboo and various lianas

(which furnish ropes to hold the structure together), and Imper-ata cylindrica (for thatching). Rites, including animal sacrifices, accompany the various building stages. Their goal is both to guarantee the solidit)' of the construction and to ensure the prosperity of the house members. At first, for instance, the 'master of the forest' is propitiated so that he will allow the men to take and use building materials, especially the trees that will be turned into the four central posts of the house.
The top of these posts is hewn so as to form a forked mortise. Then they are carved and driven counterclockwise into the ground, beginning with the 'divining-posť near which the people performing the rituals usually stand or sit. Each post has a specific name and purpose referring both to the roles of the living members of the house and to the souls of the ancestors or to the supernatural forces dwelling in the house (both referred to as marapu).
Twelve side-posts rise alongside these posts. Four beams (tanata) are bound to all 16 posts and form the framework supporting the floor of the platform, which is made of split bamboos and wooden laths. The platform area is structured with respect to the four central posts. The hearth (rabuka), which is placed between them, is central to the daily activities of the house. The platform is divided into a sacred male part (mbali tonga), which is defined as the right-hand part of the house when viewed from the front, and a female part, the 'base of the water jar' (kere pandalu), which is located to the left of the hearth. Each part has its own entrance door opening onto a veranda (bangga) through the front part of the wall surrounding the platform. Partitions of various heights

dehne specific spjces, one or two of which serve as closed bedrooms
At the upper level four collars are placed on the central posts as a sign of high status, two beams running parallel to the front (patenta) lock in with the mortised tops of the central posts, seven, nine or eleven beams of the same length rest across them perpendicularly (beina) Another four beams form a rectangle delimiting the size of the platform forming the fioor of the attic The peaked part of the roof is erected on top of this platform The ridge-beam, which is called the buffalo, has two holes in it holding the upright 'horns' that jut out of the finished roof four poles bound to the ridge-beam are fastened to the upper platform and then other poles are intercalated, inner and outer transverse struts running around the roof frame are added so as to secure them These struts form superimposed rectangular liku the height of the roof (tolaka) is measured by the number of liku (three or seven) used Finally, vertical and horizontal poles are added, and the roof-frame is then covered with sheaves of Itnperata cylmdrica secured with
bamboo sticks and cord 1 hatching is effected upwards beginning with the front side and going counterclockwise so as to cover the three other sides
Once the house has been completed, the rite of'sending away the wood, bamboo, and lianas' is performed, in which token samples are returned to their 'masters' so the supply will not run out and so that all building defects and infringements of custom law associated with the construction are cast out of the village
I he building period ends with a feast which gathers all relatives and affines who participated in the building and provided the animals to be sacrificed The bigger the feast, the larger the number of animals sacrificed, the greater and the more prestigious the name of the house I his name may fall into oblivion -or be restored to fame thanks to the personal charisma of the head of the house Wewewa society thus affords some scope for status mobility This flexibility is also manifested through the possibilit} of moving the ancestral house down to a site in a corral village It is then called the 'shadow and reflection' of the original house.

Wewewa_szov1102_04.txt

1 V2 p-i Grass and reed thatch
Like tiling, tii.uching involves placing the mdterijl in ascending and overlapping courses so that rainwater How is directed as rapidly as possible to the ground. In place of the tile the thatcher works with an armful of grass and his skill lies in an ability to secure each armful, which may comprise several thousand grass stems, so that each and every stem lies parallel to the next one. The join between each armful and each course should be invisible on the surface, and the fixing which holds each armful must be at the same depth within the thatch.
Each armful of grass, wedge-shaped as grass stems are tapered, once tied in place, is then driven under its fixing so that it is held more and more tighdy. The thatcher uses a legget, which is a tool like a large, flat mallet but with a ridged working surface to catch and drive each grass stem upwards, wedging them into the fixings. The legget (in Wales it was called a 'dobřen', in Devon a 'drift') also allows the thatcher to produce a smooth surface with an even thickness - approximately 30 cm (i ft:) is considered ideal for economy and durability on a roof pitched at 45°.
Thatch is traditionally stitched to the roof battens using tarred twine. With a straight needle two people are required, one inside the roof space and the thatcher on the outside. Various labour-saving devices are used in different places. In Denmark curved needles are still common though copper wire has replaced twine; in Holland thatchers use two needles - one with a hook, the other with an eye. In England thatchers abandoned stitching in favour of blacksmith-made crooks. These are long iron nails with a hook which holds a horizontal, traditionally hazelwood sway which is laid over each course of grass.
Regionally distinct styles which survive in Europe are often most visible in the finishing-off'work, particularly the ridge. The ridge-capping is essential as it prevents water from percolating into the body of the thatch through the otherwise exposed fixings of the uppermost course of reed. The distinctive, scallop-cut patterned ridges which are traditional in the eastern counties of England, are made of sedge. This type of ridge has to be replaced every 12-15 years whereas across the North Sea Dutch thatchers, also using water reed, place large half-round fired clay riles to serve as a ridge which can be re-used when the thatch is replaced. Danish water-reed thatchers continue to ridge with straw weighted down with a row of rough-hewn wooden yokes. This random-straw ridge is replaced every three or four years.
The different thatching terms of each region arc another indication of retained tradition. In England thatchers (formerly called 'culminars' 'theykers' or 'reders') secured the ridge with sharpened hazelwood spikes, each bent double into the shape ofa hairpin. Today these are generally called 'spars'; in the past they were broaches, buckles, scobs spiks, sparrows, sparrods, speets or, quite simply, thacke-pegs. In Devon, the thatcher carried his straw in a frail, a strood, a groom or a yoke. The first layer of thatch was made up of small, tighdy tied bundles variously called botdes (Berkshire), wadds (Devon), gavels (Norfolk), batts (Nottinghamshire) or simply bunches (Bast Lothian). In Norfolk, reed was cut by marshmen who sold it by the fathom, which is a bundle of 2 m (6.5 ft) circumference. Devon thatchers bought combed wheat straw by the nitche (11 kg [241b]), or the truss (6.4 kg [141b]).

Wewewa teto_szov312.txt

Iban hosszúház, Borneó, Malajzia

1131. oldal

http://www.sumai.org/asia/iban.htm

http://www.dayanglaing.net/2009/04/iban-longhouse.html

http://escapade-borneo.blogspot.hu/2011/04/sarawak-part-2-iban-longhouse-by-dirk.html

http://sarawaktourismnetwork.files.wordpress.com/2012/04/glimpse-inside-an-iban-longhouse1.jpg?w=1024

http://sarawakfestival.files.wordpress.com/2010/11/in-the-long-house.jpg

2 II 4 c Iban (Brunei, Kalimantan, w, Sarawak)
A major Borneo people, the Iban number over 400000 in Sarawak (East Malaysia), approximately 8000 in Biunei, and 7000 in West Kalimantan, Indonesia (as at the mid-igSos) Because of their demographic importance and the relative accessibility of their largely lowland or hilly residence in Sarawak, Iban culture has been described at length since the late 19th century It is understood that Iban migrated from the upper Kapuas valley in West Kalimantan, spreading out into Sarawak and further on to Brunei early in the 20th century Currently they are found along most river systems in Sarawak, with the notable exception of the Balui and Baram areas occupied by the Orang Ulu, as well as in urban districts Local groups are known by the name of the river where they setded, for example the Ulu Ai, Undup, Skrang, Lemanak, Sanbas, Julau and Baleh Ihese river-based groups, formerly corresponding to warfare and head-hunting units, show some minor differentiation in custom and ritual activities However, the Iban language is fairly homogeneous despite its regional accents and functions as a lingua franca m most of Sarawak In rural areas, the long-house IS the usual type of housing Well known as prodigal swidden agriculturists of hill rice, the Iban farmers also cultivate cash crops, such as rubber and pepper, with remarkable success During the latter part of the 20th century they have discarded the 'pioneer' oudook for a more settled lifestyle
In upriver areas, the setdement is formed by a single long-house (rumah), while in more accessible locations several of these may be clustered The longhouse is known by the founder's name or by the name of its headman {tuai rumah) or influential political leader, for example Rumah Penghulu Jugah The longhouse is usually located on the banks of a stream or smaller tributary of a larger river 1 he building is not disposed according to any particular orientation, however, longhouses may neither span a stream nor face each other across a river In the well-developed areas, especially the First and Second Divisions of Sarawak, the house is built near a road or path connecting It with the towns or downriver bazaars
The Iban longhouse is a rectangular structure 30-200 m (100-650 ft) long with a width of 12-18 m (40-60 ft) On average, the building is raised about 2-4 m (6 5-13 ft) from the ground The long pitched roof is closed by a large gable, usually

of palm thatch It rests on many hardwood posts (tiantj) of which rows of six or seven are disposed lateralK But in some cases a house will be built on a slope thus taking advantage of the declivitv on one side 1 he fieldhouse (dampa ) consists of a small longhouse oř three to five doors, with a simpler structure, lighter materials thin posts, and soon riuts (lancjkau) are also used as farmhouses
An average longhouse contains about 15 'doors' or apartments (bilek/bilik), but houses up to 50 bilek are reported In layout, four main parts can be distinguished the common gallery (rufli) which runs the length of the house, and which is subdivided in three parallel sections the family apartments the loft (sadau) extendingjustabove these, and the open outer platform (tanju ) On both ends notched logs or stairs give access to the gallery Usuallv the floors and inner walls are made of rather light materials bamboos, nibong palm planks (Oncosperma filamentosa] and tree bark In contrast, crossbeams supporting the outer platform are made from ironwood or other hardwoods, so as to withstand exposure from the wet climate of west Borneo Roofing may consist of ironwood shingles (atap papan) or nipa palms (Nipa Jruticans) thatch or even pandanus leaves in pioneer settlements The upper framework of crossbeams, top plates rafters, purlins and beams is generally made of softwood Formerly, among some Iban of the Kapuas basin, a taboo on the use of ironwood was enforced
Each bilek fiamil) owns a transversal section of the six parts of the house mentioned above and is responsible for its maintenance and cleaning The apartment constitutes the living-quarters par excellente where meals are taken and domestic activities performed 1 amily heirlooms such as bronze gongs, Chinese jars and brass objects are kept here, placed against the room's back wall or the lateral wall I he hearth formerly disposed near the apartment's door is now usualh found in an extension at the back The sleeping and working space is covered by mats made of various materials, including reeds, rattans and pandanus Nowadays, raised beds complete with mosquito net are in common use Access to the loft is by means of a notched ladder located either m the gallery in the section (tempuan) against the wall, or the apartment Paddy is stored there in huge bark bins alongside agricultural implements and rice baskets, also the household's sacred paddy seeds In the tempuan, which is the women's space of the gallery, heavy rice mortars are disposed Activities such as weaving and basket or mat making may be carried out either in the apartment or the gallery The headman's apartment occupies the central section of the house, neighbouring apartments are inhabited by his close relatives rurthermore, in the headman's section, a notched ladder can be found on the outer platform to the ground Otherwise, there seems to be litde difference in the floor space between apartments Tormerly, pigsties were disposed under the outer platform and gallery floors, as an easy way of waste disposal (LingRoth)

Iban hosszu_szov1131_32.txt

Badjao (Baujau) tutajház, Fülöp-szigetek

1193. oldal

http://www.corbisimages.com/Search#p=1&q=baujau

2 II 7 a Badjao (Sulu Sea)
The Sulu archipelago is a group of islands between the southern tip of Mindanao in the Philippines, and the east coast of Borneo. These islands are inhabited by two large ethnic groups, the politically dominant Tausug and the .Samal, who themselves are split into the 'Land Samal' and the nomadic 'Sea
Samal' or 'Badjaos'. Both groups of the Samal arc Muslim, although the Badjaos still practise their old nativistic 'pagan' religion as well (Nimmo).
Most Badjaos are setded around the Tawitawi islands. All the settlements have similar features: protected from the open sea by reefs in close proximity to a sandy beach, where children play and the boats can be repaired. While the Badjaos support their land-living folksmen with fish and seafood they in turn receive vegetables, rice and fruits and may even use the fields for cultivating their own crops.
The migration of the Badjaos is cyclical, depending on wind and fishing grounds. At full moon for example the fishers gather at Bilatan, a small island next to Tawitawi, to await the fish shoals, which swim to the shallow waters. Other reasons for migrations are the numerous festivities. As most of the Badjaos are somehow related to each other, on certain occasions, like weddings or funerals, a large number will assemble to celebrate the festivity and to exchange news. Owing to constant travel and their small numbers they never attracted the attention of political powers and were allowed to maintain this way of life nearly undisturbed throughout the centuries.
Because of the limited space on board of their boats the Badjaos live in nuclear families, mosriy separated from others. A young married couple has one year to build their own boat; during this time the couple usually lives either on his or her parents' boat. The boat lasts for 10-15 years and might be the family's only home. A single beam forms the bottom and boards of wood form the body. To the rear there is a fireplace and a depositor)' for the household effects. The covered part is split into a living area and a sleeping place, and the front is used for fishing and storing materials for the boat. Between the front outriggers there is a tiny platform for harpooning the bigger fish; all others are caught by net. The boats are about 10-12 m (33-40 ft) in length and, depending on the wealth of the owner, are beautifully-carved front and back. In shallow waters they can be moved by stick, while for longer distances a small sail is used. When the children have left the family and someone remains alone on the boat he has either to marry again or attempt to join another boat. Adoption is also a widely used means ofkeeping a boat functioning.
Many of the Badjaos have a boat as well as a house, today. The house, always built on stilts above pardy flooded land, shows many features of the boat: no furniture except boxes or cages (which are always placed towards the sea), no iron nails so as not to hurt the spirits of the ancestors who roam through the boats and houses, and a httie box where the spirit of the house is supposed to live. Although there are only 80 entirely seafaring families left, water is still the important element of the Badjaos' life -as shown by the fact that during a storm most people leave their houses and take reftige in their boats.

Badjao_tutajház_szov1193.txt

Ifugao ház, Fülöp-szigetek

1202. oldal

http://www.teng-ab.com/?page_id=308

http://www.nikeprogramme.org/index.php/ik-database/researches/82-knowledge-we-wrote/109-ifugao-house.html

http://home.online.no/~molt-and/Museum/Ifubooks/ifubooks.htm

http://www.cgpinoy.org/t3913-mammoo_03-bahay-kubo-of-the-future-ifugao-house-with-a-twist

2II7J Maranao (Mindanao, N)
The four encampments about Lake Lanao in the province of Lanao del Sur, Mindanao, are the traditional population centres of the Maranao people. These Islam-practising people are the most art-conscious of the ethnic Filipinos, noted for their ornamental work called okil and the most impressive of Philippine vernacular architecture. They have a tendency to carve or paint the foliated okil designs on the most common of domestic items - sieves, scoops, cake moulds, ploughs, harrows, paddles, net handles, mortars. The people subsist on intensive domestic agriculture and fishing, on metalcraft, especially brassware, and on intricate weaving for commerce. The men are inveterate traders.
Maranao houses fall into three types: \awig (small house); mala-a-uifllai (large house); and torocjan, the ornately decorated residence of the leading title-holder of the major descent line of a kin group, and his extended family.
Lawigs range in size from the field huts which are raised off the ground on stilts with lean-to roofing and an outdoor cooking area and which are used mainly for sleeping, to the common household structures in population centres which have an interior hearth and are usually occupied by single family units.

The lawig is not ordinarily embellished, except for an occasional, isolated, ornamental painted or carved wooden piece which might decorate a window sill or doorway. There is no consistency in the placements of these decorations.
The mala-a-u;alai are houses ofwell-to-do families. These are usually occupied by extended families. Although architectural embellishments are present these do not have the panolontj (see below) that characterize the torotjan, nor are these used for official or royal functions. The okil decorations are usually placed in a very organized fashion as on the bases of walls, window sills, and door-jambs.
The torogan has very distinctive features that distinguish it from the tnala-a-u;alai although both are large houses built on stilts about! m (6.5 ft) ofFthe ground. Thetoroijan is marked by features that are symbols of rank and prestige. There are more house-posts, some of which are props. At the front huge trunks of trees are usually used as posts. Since the land is tectonically unstable and often visited by earth tremors, the posts are often placed on top of rounded boulders as a floating foundation. These boulders also prevent direct contact with the ground, preventing the wood from rotting or suffering from termite attack. The posts on the frontage are often carved and decorated with okil motifs.
The most unusual features of the toroijan are the panolongs. These are the ends of the floor beams that project out and flare upwards like triangular butterfly wings on the house frontage and the immediate sides. These panolongs are lavishly-carved with plant motifs like growing ferns, buds and leaves, alternating with the naga or serpendike motifs. The motifs are carved in high relief and painted with bright colours, predominantly green, red, yellow, blue, white and black. Side strips and panels of the house frontage are also similarly decorated. The windows on the facade are also framed with panels that are painted and carved. The horizontal panels below the windows and the base of the walling are similarly treated.
The interior of the house is a cavernous hall that is not per-manentiy partitioned. Holding up the kingposts of the high-ridged roof is a horizontal beam that is ornately carved called therampatan ortinae-a-uialai (intestine of the house).
The interior is partitioned off by the sleeping areas of individual nuclear families placed along both sides ofa central aisle that goes down the middle of the house from the doorway to the rear, where there is usually a common kitchen area. This plan is determined by the fact that several families live in the house since the presence of more than one family increases the prestige of the owner. The sleeping areas serve as all-purpose living places where the family eat their meals on footed trays (talam), weave textiles and receive their guests - the area in fact serves the purpose of an entire house for a single family. Cloth partitions may be brought down from the rafters between sleeping areas to separate one family from another. This allows adjustments of space allocation to individual families, depending on the number actually using the house, without being hindered by permanent partitions.
The ridge of the high rectangular roof is straight and gabled atthe front and back. At the front end of the ridge, usually, is an ornate representation ofa pair of water buffalo horns called a dmngal. The lower half of the roof has a lower incline and has a large overhang over the sides of the house. At times a small room is built above the roof to be used by a beautiful daughter of the house.
The torogan is significant in the Maranao community also because in it could be seen all known decorative okil motifs distinctive of the ethnic group. The ornamentation of the whole structure is undertaken only by the most respected of artisans with rank of datu. The carvings in the structure are used as models by artisans in the embellishment ofall other household artefacts, and even of agricultural ones. As symbols of royalty, dignity, power and the economic statuses of the families who own them, the houses are given names such as bantog (honourable), datumanong (golden lizard) and samporna (authority).

Ifugao ház_szov1202_03.txt

Batak Toba ház / Batak Toba House

1112. oldal
Szerkesztés: 564-565. oldal.


http://www.sumai.org/asia/toba.htm

Észak-Szumátrában hat Batak törzs él, ezek közül az egyik a Toba krátertó melletti Batak Toba nép. Kis falvakban élnek, ahol a házak védelmi célból szorosan egymáshoz közel épülnek, illetve épültek még a múlt században. Eredeti formájukban általában már nem lakják őket, legtöbbjük állapota erősen leromlott, tetejüket rozsdás hullámlemezek fedik.

Ma már csak egy, de eredetileg több család lakott egy házban, akár négy is. A házakat lábakra állították, a földszint állattartásra és munkavégzésre szolgált, az emeleten volt a "lakás", ide csak egy könnyen felhúzható létrával lehetett eljutni, ami az állandó törzsi háborúskodás miatt bizonyult hasznosnak. A legfelső szinten a bejárat fölött egy fedett-nyitott tároló hely, mögötte egy (számunkra) nehezen meghatározható, családi értékeket és szentélyt magába foglaló hely volt. Egy szint alapterülete 40-50 m2.

Források:
wikipédia
orientalarchitecture
rajz 1 rajz 2 rajz 3
rokon: egy Batak Karo ház

2 II 3 e Batak (Toba) (Sumatra, c, e, s)
Inhabiting the eastern, southern and western shores of Lake Toba, the Toba Batak are the most populous of the seven Batak subgroups. Their vast territory further subdivides into regions characterized by variations in dialect, social organization and customs, as well as styles of dress and architecture. The inhabitants have traditionally been wet and dry rice agriculturalists.
Contact between the isolated mountainous Toba Batak region and the outside world intensified increasingly during the igth century; colonialism implied profound changes in all aspects of Toba Batak life, including the indigenous architecture. Batak carpenters were quick to learn how to build Euro-
pean-style buildings. Now few, if any, architects steeped in the traditions of the past remain. Constructing an 'adat house' or a vernacular Toba Batak home, is something which only the ver>' rich can afford and it is done for show. A modern urban trend to use Batak houses and their decorative features is manifest in the facades of political and municipal buildings. The significance of vernacular Toba Batak housing must be reconstructed from early colonial literature and Batak texts. While many early beliefs and also examples of Batak architecture live on in the syncretic modern world, it is in a piecemeal fashion.
The vernacular Toba Batak house is a symbol of what used to be the Batak universe, and a physical manifestation of the remarkable correspondence that obtained in Toba Batak thought between the social, political and spiritual domains.

and between the individual, village, and clan levels of social organization. The Toba Batak house (ruma), similar to the rice barn (sopo), is a large construction set upon stilts, and covered with a saddle-shaped roof. The finest specimens are carved and painted with characteristic house designs (gorga). The essential features ofthe house, characterized in particular by its stilts, its canoe-shaped side walls terminating in the protruding head of a mythical hybrid lion/snake/buffalo creature, and its saddle-shaped roof are recapitulated physically, in miniature wooden forms, and conceptually and linguistically in larger forms. The world, like the house, according to Toba Batak myth was set upon posts, and it was commonly believed that the human dwelling portion of the home was analogous to the middle layer of the three-tiered universe. The largest pre-colonial social and political community ofthe Toba Batak, the bius, was represented on ritual occasions by the buffalo, which the Toba Batak house, in one of its aspects, represents. The rite was presided over by four officials {raja na opat) analogous to the four main house posts. The spatial arrangement ofthe village reflected the spatial and social order regulating the interior of the home. The bed-cum-storage-box for the highest-standing member ofthe house had the shape ofthe house, as did, and still do, the coffin for the dead, the altar placed beside the grave, the altar hung from the rafters ofthe house, the sarcophagus for the reburied bones of respected ancestors, and even elaborate versions of stone rice mortars on the ground outside the house. The universe was the house writ large, just as the coffin is the house writ small. The house form, whether physically
manifest in wood, or conceptually regulating community structure, enveloped itself at different levels, like a Russian doll.
The house was home for body and soul providing both physical and spiritual protection and requiring, for its efficacy, physical and spiritual maintenance. The structural conventions ofthe house and correctly carved and painted decorations were essential to its power, as were the rituals prescribed before moving into it, and the offerings presented inside to ancestor and house spirits. When a Batak died and was placed in the house-shaped coffin, more than anything else he or she had 'changed residence' to embark on a new stage of spiritual existence in a new home. The house endured while its inhabitants came and went in lifecycle after lifecycle, rendering the house a powerful symbol ofthe enduring nature ofthe family. The clan house, often an extraordinary house specimen, and often the home ofthe clan leader, was this symbol par exceilcnce. Offerings made inside the house ensured the well-being and perpetuation of the clan.
2 II 3 e-i Toba: structure
In their construction, Toba houses and granaries are characterized by a unique roof and by a roof-supporting structure of posts and beams. The latter is assembled by mortising and secured by wedges, without the use of oblique struts or braces. Halfway up this post and beam structure is a floor. In the case of dwelling houses, outward slanting walls are fitted in between the edges of this floor and the roof Granaries (sopo) -now rare - do not have such walls, for the rice used to be stored in their attic. By having walls added later, granaries were, however, often changed into dwelling houses of a type that preserved the main structural characteristics ofthe granary.
In the ordinaiy ruma ^orija-type house, tie-beams are placed on top of the long posts. On the tie-beams the longitudinal pieces (called buaton) are placed, both fixed by long tenons projecting from the posts. From each ofthe two buaton is suspended, by means of numerous rattan thongs, a wooden board as support for the rafters. When after finishing the roof the side walls are added, this board also functions as a wall plate.
Inside the roof three triangular frames are placed in a slanting position (the middle one sometimes vertically). Two of these are filled with horizontal boards and function as gable walls. Their tops arc connected with one another and with the two longitudinal members at the foot ofthe roof by means of poles working on tension. The curved ridge-purlin is positioned in U-shaped recesses cut from the tops of these triangular frames. In the finished roof, it is tied to the more slender ridge-pole higher up, and the intersecting upper ends ofthe rafters are locked between the two ridge-pieces.
Toba roofs being considerably longer at the ridge than at the eaves, the intervals between the rafters - thin poles about 5 cm (2 in) in diameter - increase towards the top, except in the central section ofthe roof At the bottom, where the rafters fit with their pointed ends into holes worked out ofthe two supporting boards, the free distance between them may measure only about 12 cm (5 in). Higher up, three longitudinal poles are placed from inside against them, all crossings being fixed by ties. On the grid thus formed a curtain of fine laths is spread.

This provides an even surřlice for the thatch, which traditionally consisted of ijuk, a black fibre from the trunk of the sugar palm.
The roof construction of Toba granaries is quite similar, but granaries usually have only six long posts, and these are placed nearer to the central axis of the building. The attic floor, which is larger than the plan described by these posts, is supported by an additional layer of cantilever beams. On top of it, a rectangular frame is fixed horizontally, consisnng of four narrow beams set on edge and jointed by mortising and pegging. It is from this wooden frame that are hung, in the case of granaries, the boards that carry the rafters.
Comparative studies suggest that the Toba roof system here described may derive from former types in which the ridge beam, together with the upper ridge-pole, was carried by the rafters, while the triangular frames or gable walls were added merely as space-defining elements (Domenig). However, in order to fully understand the 'hanging roof peculiar to Toba structures, more studies paying particular attention to local variations in different villages are necessary.

Batak Toba_szov1112_14.txt
Jancsó Miklós