2011. február 17., csütörtök

Batak Toba ház / Batak Toba House

1112. oldal
Szerkesztés: 564-565. oldal.


Észak-Szumátrában hat Batak törzs él, ezek közül az egyik a Toba krátertó melletti Batak Toba nép. Kis falvakban élnek, ahol a házak védelmi célból szorosan egymáshoz közel épülnek, illetve épültek még a múlt században. Eredeti formájukban általában már nem lakják őket, legtöbbjük állapota erősen leromlott, tetejüket rozsdás hullámlemezek fedik.
Ma már csak egy, de eredetileg több család lakott egy házban, akár négy is. A házakat lábakra állították, a földszint állattartásra és munkavégzésre szolgált, az emeleten volt a "lakás", ide csak egy könnyen felhúzható létrával lehetett eljutni, ami az állandó törzsi háborúskodás miatt bizonyult hasznosnak. A legfelső szinten a bejárat fölött egy fedett-nyitott tároló hely, mögötte egy (számunkra) nehezen meghatározható, családi értékeket és szentélyt magába foglaló hely volt. Egy szint alapterülete 40-50 m2.

rajz 1 rajz 2 rajz 3
rokon: egy Batak Karo ház

2 II 3 e Batak (Toba) (Sumatra, c, e, s)
Inhabiting the eastern, southern and western shores of Lake Toba, the Toba Batak are the most populous of the seven Batak subgroups. Their vast territory further subdivides into regions characterized by variations in dialect, social organization and customs, as well as styles of dress and architecture. The inhabitants have traditionally been wet and dry rice agriculturalists.
Contact between the isolated mountainous Toba Batak region and the outside world intensified increasingly during the igth century; colonialism implied profound changes in all aspects of Toba Batak life, including the indigenous architecture. Batak carpenters were quick to learn how to build Euro-
pean-style buildings. Now few, if any, architects steeped in the traditions of the past remain. Constructing an 'adat house' or a vernacular Toba Batak home, is something which only the ver>' rich can afford and it is done for show. A modern urban trend to use Batak houses and their decorative features is manifest in the facades of political and municipal buildings. The significance of vernacular Toba Batak housing must be reconstructed from early colonial literature and Batak texts. While many early beliefs and also examples of Batak architecture live on in the syncretic modern world, it is in a piecemeal fashion.
The vernacular Toba Batak house is a symbol of what used to be the Batak universe, and a physical manifestation of the remarkable correspondence that obtained in Toba Batak thought between the social, political and spiritual domains.

and between the individual, village, and clan levels of social organization. The Toba Batak house (ruma), similar to the rice barn (sopo), is a large construction set upon stilts, and covered with a saddle-shaped roof. The finest specimens are carved and painted with characteristic house designs (gorga). The essential features ofthe house, characterized in particular by its stilts, its canoe-shaped side walls terminating in the protruding head of a mythical hybrid lion/snake/buffalo creature, and its saddle-shaped roof are recapitulated physically, in miniature wooden forms, and conceptually and linguistically in larger forms. The world, like the house, according to Toba Batak myth was set upon posts, and it was commonly believed that the human dwelling portion of the home was analogous to the middle layer of the three-tiered universe. The largest pre-colonial social and political community ofthe Toba Batak, the bius, was represented on ritual occasions by the buffalo, which the Toba Batak house, in one of its aspects, represents. The rite was presided over by four officials {raja na opat) analogous to the four main house posts. The spatial arrangement ofthe village reflected the spatial and social order regulating the interior of the home. The bed-cum-storage-box for the highest-standing member ofthe house had the shape ofthe house, as did, and still do, the coffin for the dead, the altar placed beside the grave, the altar hung from the rafters ofthe house, the sarcophagus for the reburied bones of respected ancestors, and even elaborate versions of stone rice mortars on the ground outside the house. The universe was the house writ large, just as the coffin is the house writ small. The house form, whether physically
manifest in wood, or conceptually regulating community structure, enveloped itself at different levels, like a Russian doll.
The house was home for body and soul providing both physical and spiritual protection and requiring, for its efficacy, physical and spiritual maintenance. The structural conventions ofthe house and correctly carved and painted decorations were essential to its power, as were the rituals prescribed before moving into it, and the offerings presented inside to ancestor and house spirits. When a Batak died and was placed in the house-shaped coffin, more than anything else he or she had 'changed residence' to embark on a new stage of spiritual existence in a new home. The house endured while its inhabitants came and went in lifecycle after lifecycle, rendering the house a powerful symbol ofthe enduring nature ofthe family. The clan house, often an extraordinary house specimen, and often the home ofthe clan leader, was this symbol par exceilcnce. Offerings made inside the house ensured the well-being and perpetuation of the clan.
2 II 3 e-i Toba: structure
In their construction, Toba houses and granaries are characterized by a unique roof and by a roof-supporting structure of posts and beams. The latter is assembled by mortising and secured by wedges, without the use of oblique struts or braces. Halfway up this post and beam structure is a floor. In the case of dwelling houses, outward slanting walls are fitted in between the edges of this floor and the roof Granaries (sopo) -now rare - do not have such walls, for the rice used to be stored in their attic. By having walls added later, granaries were, however, often changed into dwelling houses of a type that preserved the main structural characteristics ofthe granary.
In the ordinaiy ruma ^orija-type house, tie-beams are placed on top of the long posts. On the tie-beams the longitudinal pieces (called buaton) are placed, both fixed by long tenons projecting from the posts. From each ofthe two buaton is suspended, by means of numerous rattan thongs, a wooden board as support for the rafters. When after finishing the roof the side walls are added, this board also functions as a wall plate.
Inside the roof three triangular frames are placed in a slanting position (the middle one sometimes vertically). Two of these are filled with horizontal boards and function as gable walls. Their tops arc connected with one another and with the two longitudinal members at the foot ofthe roof by means of poles working on tension. The curved ridge-purlin is positioned in U-shaped recesses cut from the tops of these triangular frames. In the finished roof, it is tied to the more slender ridge-pole higher up, and the intersecting upper ends ofthe rafters are locked between the two ridge-pieces.
Toba roofs being considerably longer at the ridge than at the eaves, the intervals between the rafters - thin poles about 5 cm (2 in) in diameter - increase towards the top, except in the central section ofthe roof At the bottom, where the rafters fit with their pointed ends into holes worked out ofthe two supporting boards, the free distance between them may measure only about 12 cm (5 in). Higher up, three longitudinal poles are placed from inside against them, all crossings being fixed by ties. On the grid thus formed a curtain of fine laths is spread.

This provides an even surřlice for the thatch, which traditionally consisted of ijuk, a black fibre from the trunk of the sugar palm.
The roof construction of Toba granaries is quite similar, but granaries usually have only six long posts, and these are placed nearer to the central axis of the building. The attic floor, which is larger than the plan described by these posts, is supported by an additional layer of cantilever beams. On top of it, a rectangular frame is fixed horizontally, consisnng of four narrow beams set on edge and jointed by mortising and pegging. It is from this wooden frame that are hung, in the case of granaries, the boards that carry the rafters.
Comparative studies suggest that the Toba roof system here described may derive from former types in which the ridge beam, together with the upper ridge-pole, was carried by the rafters, while the triangular frames or gable walls were added merely as space-defining elements (Domenig). However, in order to fully understand the 'hanging roof peculiar to Toba structures, more studies paying particular attention to local variations in different villages are necessary.

Batak Toba_szov1112_14.txt
Jancsó Miklós

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