Shaanxi löszbarlangok / Yellow Soil Caves in Shaanxi

239. is

Az észak-kínai Sárga-folyó felső és középső szakaszának környéke löszbe vájt barlangokkal van tele. Shaanxiban, Gansuban, Henanban, Shanxiban és a Löszfennsík többi településén a helybeliek löszhegyek oldalába vájnak egymással határos üregeket. A barlangban téglákkal rakják ki a falakat, így tűztől, zajtól védettek lesznek a barlangok; bennük télen meleg, nyáron hideg van. A barlanglakások másik nagy előnye, hogy megspórolják a földet az építők, ugyanis erre nem kell költeni. A természetbe szervesen illeszkedő üreg a legkedvezőbb építészeti stílus, mely azt bizonyítja, hogy a helybeliek szeretik a löszfennsíkot.

Források:

Belső kép

http://ata.hannam.ac.kr/china/hanjiayao/hanjiayao.htm

2 I 3 c Gansu (Huabei, nw)
Stretching between the deserts of Inner Mongolia to the north and the Tsinghai mountains and plateaux to the south, Gansu province extends to the northwest through the loess of the Yellow (Huanghe) river basin. The shaft-type of troglodytic house (tuinjuiíj yuan shi) is popular in Gansu, being most frequently encountered in the southeast of the province, in Qingyang, Tianshin, Pingliangand Dingsi districts, and also found in Shaanxi, Shanxi and Ilenan provinces: these houses form villages on flat ground. A square or rectangular shaft is dug vertically and constitutes a court\'ard of about 15 m x 15 m (50 ft X 50 ft) which represents an activity space of major importance and to which all the rooms lead. The shafts arc usually about 6 m {20 ft) deep which accounts for the exceptional temperature stability of the habitations which are dug laterally on the southern, eastern and western sides. Generally there arc two or three rooms either barrel-vaulted or cross-vaulted on each side of the courtyard. The northern side is devoted to access and sometimes to a storage room dug in the ground. The main rooms where people live are situated on the southern side. There is either an inclined mud plane leading to the yard or stairs in the central part with an inclined strip on each side. When the difference in level is too great the inclined plane becomes a tunnel where can be found the storerooms for tools, crops and seeds and, at times, for a well.
In some cases, the dwelling is indicated by a built entrance at the starting point of the inclined plane. This construction shows the technical and architectural features of the traditional Chinese house.
The square yard around which are disposed the different rooms of this traditional house is called the 'sk\' shaft'. This name is particularly suitable when applied to that space in shafttype dwellings between the outside open landscape and the privacy of the caves Bevond its functional aspect in the habitation (as main living space and junction point beuveen the rooms) it also allows the existence of a microclimate owing to the radiation from Its walls towaids the central space Sound insulation from one shaft to the shaft next door and from the village noises IS perfect 1 hat insulation (due to the mass of earth separating the dwellings) is maximum m the m un rooms
The vva> the rooms are laid out iround the square vard is the principal common characteristic w ith the traditional pattern of the Han house in the North of China 1 here are other features confirming that the Chinese cave dwelling pattern has not de\ eloped an\ particular form but has adapted a traditional pattern of which It IS the underground version
As in the traditional Chinese house the main rooms bedrooms reception room and room devoted to the ancestors' altar are situated on the side to the south 1 ach one of them is equipped with a kang Ihis cooking heartli and the heat store under a rimmed-earth bed is no different fiom the one which cm traditionalK be found in an\ Chinese house Ihe screen wall (yinqbi) in cave dwellings is another com mon clement with built houses of the same pattern Ihe major function of the screen placed in the \ard opposite the entrance is to prevent evil spirits from entering It is a wall about 2 m (6 5 ft) high, that can be made of rammed earth adobe or baked bricks Where it is made of unbaked earth its base is formed of two or three lasers of baked bricks to protect it from possible water damage It is covered with tiles and there is a small niche in the middle
The neolithic site of Banpo (near Xian in Shaanxi province) harbours numerous traces of pit houses Ihis small-sized rudimentary housing tvpe could be the origin of shaft-type dwellings of which Gansu offers examples of outstanding complexit) or it is possible that it is the ultimate form of the laterally excavated dwellings in which the vard gradually encroached on the loess wall.

1 IV 4 b-i Cave shelter: Han
Cave dwellings (yao dong) in China are almost always cut from loess, a wind-blown deposit with the texture of soft rock. Most are found in the area of the loess plateau, which stretches northeast from the central drainage basin of the Yellow River (Huanghe). This region extends into the provinces of Henan, where lo per cent of the 70 million inhabitants are cave dwellers, Shanxi (with 5 million cave dwellers, a quarter of the rural population), Shaanxi, Gansu and Qinghai, together with parts of the autonomous regions of Xinjiang, Ningxia-Hui and Inner Mongolia.
An estimated 40 million Chinese live in caves today. However, freestanding terraces of earth-roofed 'caves' (disfiantj) are included in the extension of this term in China. These are earth-sheltered structures where the vault is constructed of stone and adobe blocks - sometimes over formwork of loess, which is then removed by excavation - and later backfilled to level the roofterrace.
Chinese cave dwellings can be divided into those cut horizontally into a steep hillslope and those excavated out from a vertical pit.
In cliff dwellings, a simple side-by-side array is most common, each household having at least two or three caves. Caves may intercommunicate horizontally, so that lateral caves do not need an outside door. Occasionally, the house has a second storey of caves above the first, which may be reached by an external stairway of stone or timber, or accessed inside by a ladder. Earth excavated from the caves is tamped to form access
roads to the terraces, front courtyards and outbuildings like animal pens and latrines. Vegetables are stored in pits (jiaou) within the courtyard area.
The pit dwelling is more suited to a flat site. The courtyard is normally rectangular, around 10 m {33 ft) square and 6 m (20 ft) deep, giving 2.5-3 nn (8-10 ft) overburden above the crown of the cave vaults. Some large pits may be shared by up to ten families. However, in a more typical situation, two generations of a family will share a dwelling, each household having a separate kitchen and living accommodation while latrines and stores are shared. The household of the eldest son usually occupies the caves to the north of the pit, that is, those with the most favourable southern orientation. Parents and younger siblings occupy the east and west sides, while the shady south often has a lean-to construction, or subsidiary stores and latrines. The south, being the less desirable cave aspect, is also most commonly the side on which the entrance ramp or stairway issues. Owing perhaps to the Chinese concern for privacy, there is usually a single or double elbow on the descent, or a screen wall blocking the view from a direct entry. There may be stables opening off this ramp, or a 'farmyard' court giving onto the dwelling pit; and there is often a soakaway for waste water in the centre of the court.
Both cliff and pit type dwellings are composed of groupings of cave elements which are to a large extent standardized within regions. Differences between the three main regions can be seen in the proportions of the cave in plan and section, disposition of internal elements and facade treatment.
In the Longdong region, from southeast Gansu to central Shaanxi, the arched shape of the vault is expressed on the facade by an arch which encloses three openings: door to one side, window to the other and a smaller ventilation opening at top centre. The taller caves are sometimes subdivided horizontally to give an upper garret in timber. The kan^, a raised brick platform heated from within by a sort of hypocaust system, is generally placed beneath the window on the front wall. This is also a common feature ofabove-ground houses in the region. It is used as a bed in winter, and as a dais for taking meals.
Caves in the Yuxi region, from the northern part of Henan to tlte Yellow River, tend towards a bottle-shape opening out towards the interior. Some are very long, particularly in Gongxian county

(Henan), where rooms are excavated in sequence back into tiie cliff face, and separated by cloth screens. Openings are relatively small, but in this more humid region, doors and windows arc usually framed in brick and often surmounted by oversailing courses to throw stormwater clear.
In the Yenan region, northern Shaanxi, the vault is parallel, and semicircular in cross-subsection. Around Yenan itself the use of stone masonr>' for the vault enables the width between adjacent caves to be reduced. Typically, the whole round-arched facade is closed off by a timber latuce screen, filled in with oiled silk or rice-paper around the door and window openings. Allowing light to penetrate deep into the interior enables the kanij to be placed towards the cave's rear.

Shaanxi Gansu_szöv880_81.txt
Shaanxi_szöv239.txt

Minka / Minka

A minkáknak több fajtájuk létezik, függ a földrajzi és éghajlati viszonyoktól, valamint a lakók életmódjától. Legelterjedtebb a farmházi stílus. Olcsó és azonnal megszerezhető anyagokat használtak, a farmerek csak ezt engedhették meg maguknak. Majdnem kizárólag csak fából készítik, valamint bambuszból, agyagból és több különféle szalmából. A csontvázszerű szerkezete, a tető, a falak, és az oszlopok fából készülnek. A külső falakat gyakran bambusz és agyag összeadásával készítették. Szalmát használnak fedő zsúpra. Néha égetett agyag tetőcserepeket használtak zsúpon felül. Méreteit nem lehet behatárolni. A legkülönfélébb kialakítások jöttek létre a különböző földrajzi és éghajlati viszonyok, valamint a lakók életmódja alapján.

Linkek:

wiki
cikk
http://shirakawa-go.org/english/e_world.html
videó
falukép

Visitors to the Nan bism yyill find many old villages some of them recorded in incient archives more than 1300 vears ago Many villages are enclosed by the moats which were built m the Middle Ages for the purpose of self-defence But visitors may be deluded as they walk in a tow n street, because they see onl) the red lattice windows and stuccoed mud walls lining both sides On the other side of the walls, a mam building with a white stuccoed gable is fronted by a well-kept farm court m the tvpical pattern of the closed couit type of rural habitation (Demangeon)
On the other hand, in the Chubu district houses in the villages are surrounded by wind-breaks, and the main houses and other dependent buildings stand around a court without walls. This is the open court t>'pe (Demangeon) that prevails in eastern districts.
Since 1923 the commoner's house (minka) has been recognized as an important element m both the rural and the urban landscape of'lapan (Kon). The settlement landscape reflects the historical background of countr)' life; for the minka, the situation is the same.
Even as late as the 1930s, most mmka were thatched with wild grasses, sometimes mixed with straw. At that time, reroofing was undertaken about ever)' 40 years. It was the villagers' task to mow the common land, the grass being kept in the garrets till the next autumn. Reroofing of the houses was done, one by one, under communal collaboration.
In the Chubu and Tohoku districts where silkworm breeding was important, people raised the worms in the garrets, to spin cocoons. For this reason, they introduced huge and steep gam-brel or gable roofs. To use the high space, two or three floors were made to receive large quantities of silkworms. Coarsely laid, the board floors cannot correctly be called storeys.
Under the roof are the rooms, whose arrangement (madon) is the stage for rural life. A rural house generally consists of two areas, the boarded floor (yuka) and the bare earthen floor (mwa). The former is about 80 cm (30 in) higher in level than the latter, and people take oft their footwear when they go up to the yuka part.
Before the Mciji era, which began in 1868, there was no front door into the house, except in the case of those owned by a few village officials. The common people customarily used the entrance to the earth-floored n\wa. They entered the drawing room (zashiki) directly over the veranda (engawa) for a wedding or a funeral; Buddhist priests would do the same. In the Nan-goku district, gender discrimination remained; men used the entrance to the main building, while the women used the annexed kitchen entrance.
Among the rooms of the boarded yuka part, a narrow, dark chamber for the family head was situated in the furthermost corner, enclosed by walls. Used also as the place of birth and death, its name diff^ers from region to region, but was most popularly called the 'closet' (nando).
A wide board-floored room (hiroma) comes before the nando, and is used as the centre of family life. Here, the people installed the square fire-pit (iron) fitted with a pothook, around which they made meals or chatted over tea. Before going to sleep, the housewife buried the remains of the fire in ashes, to be remade the next morning. The inner side of the square fire-pit was the scat reserved for the family head (yokoza), one side seat was for a guest, and its opposite was for the housewife.
Originally, the annual harvest festival was celebrated at each villager's house in turn. With the gradual improvement of the sociocultural organization, other religious assemblies, as well as ceremonies and funerals, began to take place in a specific room, the zashiki, cited above, which literally means the 'sitting space'. It might be said that, since the times just before the Edo era, at the beginning of the 17th centurv', when the land measuring system was established, the modulated tatami mat came into use as luxurious furniture, first appearing in the suburban regions.
The mwa space is particularly small m the case of fishermen's houses, often less than 2 sq m (20 sq ft) in area. In western districts the niiua area hardly exceeds 50 sq m (550 sq ft), but in eastern districts it reaches twice that size as it is often used as an indoor workshop or contains a huge stable, once utilized for horse breeding. It is noteworthy that in the rear corner of the niuia is situated the family cooking hearth, made of stone, clay and stucco. The local dialect names, such as kamado ('spot of furnace') or especially hettsui, signify' the family fire. There the housewife dedicated pure salt and green leaves every two weeks, but in particular on New Year's morning.
A definitive synthetic classification of minka types seems not to have been realized as yet. With the room plan (madon) as a criterion, specific types can be recognized, though some difficulties remain.
Among the types of madon inlapan, tanoji type is recognized as the most recent and representative. Its boarded yuka part is divided by a wall, sliding door or screen into four rooms: nando, sitting-room, wairing room and drawing room. Then comes the earthen niuia part, a rather narrow space, often containinga stable for the ploughing ox. The tanoji-type house has a well-balanced gambrel roof with various ornaments on it, and refined red lattice windows or white stuccoed walls. It is widespread in Kinki, Saigoku and some regions of the Chubu district.
There is a type of mmku wliicli has onlv three rooms in tlic yuka part, because either the waiting room of the tanoji type is missing or the rooms are not differentiated, and so one room occupies a wide space 1 his is the hiroma t)'pe which prevails in Chubu and Tohoku districts It should be noted that the hiroma tj'pe is also found on the northeast coast of Biwa lake, in Kinki district Furthermore, it surv'ived in the Chugoku mountains until the 1920s (fsurufuji) Many records and some examples of a ground-level sitting-room (doia zumai) aie suggestive of the hiroma type s evo-luDonal relation to former pit dwellings Meanwhile, in advanced regions, such as the economically active rice or silkworm cultivation areas m Chubu district because of technical necessm, or mental acculturation, the waiting room became divided ofŤ and the tanoji type evolved from the hiroma t\pe 1 hese sorts of development were notable, especially along the main highroads
The ethnographer Yanagita has pointed out the existence of another type of madon m the Ryukuyu arc as well as on the southwest coast of Chubu district This third type is now termed by ethnographers and geographers thejlitamune type In Ryukuyu, this is particularlv characterized b\ the coexistence of the yuka and mwa parts, which stand on the same level, on either side of a 5 m (16 ft) space
Finally there remains a unique madon found in the elementar) type of minka (Demangeon), one of which stands in the islet of Hachijo in the far south of Tokyo Bay, and another on the hillsides of Mt Isurugi, Shikoku in Saigoku district As for the house plan, the mam house consists of the boarded yuka part only, and completely lacks the mwa However, this does not mean that there is no cooking hearth, it exists still in a rear corner of the compound, but in the open air and without a roof.
It is most popularh atcepted that the origin of lapanese vernacular houses lay in the amalgamation of northern and southern cultures Ihe former is characterized bv the pit dwelling, the latter by habitations on pilotis I his duahstic hypothesis is compelling, but at present the archaeological facts are not sufficientK persuasive, the problem remains unresolved
In conclusion, based on the type of madon of different minka the following vernacular cultural divisions can be proposed the territory of the tanoji type - Kinki and Saigoku, that of the hiroma tvpe-Chubu and lohoku, and thatof thejutamune type with Its many scattered subtypes - Nangoku district.

218-B Structure System
The structure of minka defies regional classification because various primary framing t\pes are used throughout Japan. A single structure may even employ two types, but some frameworks are also identified with particular regions The primary framework supports the enormous roof and defines the original undifferentiated space Eight such frameworks have been identified (Itoh, Plêsums), of which seven are used in minka trabeated, post wall, centre post, crossbeams, double crossbeams, box and space frame
The oldest and most wideK used, the trabeated framework consists of parallel portals with girders on top of the beams In a post wall framework posts are placed between base and top plates with beams between I his method is used in tightly packed urban houses (machiya) A centre post framework has four curved and sloping beams spanning bct\scen posts and the central support; in this and the two other square frameworks secondary posts are placed at the corners Where crossbeams are |oined in the middle, the beams are supported b\ four posts on the edge of a square plan, this framework IS used in small column-free houses and over earthen floor areas of larger minka In the case of double crossbeams, the joined beams are carried by two posts on each side of the square which defines a central sunken hearth The four corner-posts of a box framework are connected by mortised beams, braces, lintels and floor beams resulting in a rigid framework, the square, which is more than 5 m (16 ft), is used either over the earthen-floor area or in the house proper. In a space frame the posts connected by beams, lintels and floor beams result in a rigid aggregation of cellular volumes, posts may be removed if necessary and substituted with longer beams
Ihe most central of the primary posts (daikoku-bashira) is considered sacred - an embodiment of the god of harvest Removal of the primary posts has dire consequences A secondary set of posts facilitates the building of functional accommodations within the space
The hierarchical structure system permitted adaptations and transformations over time - the most significant feature of minka 1 he enormous roofs are the unifying features of internal
changes and subsequent additions. Tiic cellular spaces defined by the secondary set of posts have wood ceilings and walls, and their arrangement within the primary structure system can change in response to the demands of life. This quality of adaptation to changing use is responsible for keeping minka current until the middle of the 20th century.
The 'oldest is best' belief of many preservationists does not recognize the very nature of minkn; it is a dwelling generated by a process in which the unpredictable necessities of life give form to the structure. 'Completion' of the general and undefined space through modification is characteristic of minka and forms an interesting record of lives, times, tastes and skills in building (Plěsums).
Four types of roof structure are used to transmit the roof loads to the primary framework. The wagoifa consists of short vertical posts with horizontal ties that transfer the loads from purlins to crossbeams. It is incorrecdy referred to as the 'Japanese truss', but truss construction was unknown to the Japanese. The wagoija is used to support the low-pitched tile roofs. The equally shallow-pitched yojiro-ijumi roof structure uses raised beams and a central post to hold up a set of short parallel posts. The steep thatched or
cedar bark roofs are supported by a large A-frame roof structure (sasu). 'I'he ridge-pole is laced to the long A-frame poles which rest in pockets on top of crossbeams. The rafters and puriins are similariy laced together. The odacfii type of roof structure, most common in the Kinki district, employs a set of posts placed on top of the crossbeams to support the ridge-pole, and intermediate purlins and braces to reduce the spans of the A-frame members.

minka_volume988_991_171.txt

Futár Dóra

Fucsien Tulou / Fujian Tulou

605. oldal talán


A Fucsien Tulou meghatározása a következő: "Döngölt föld falakból és fa vázzal épült többemeletes erődített épület a délkelet-fucsieni hegyvidéki térségben, amelyben nagy lakóközösség él". (The Fujian Tulou is defined as: "A large multi storey building in southeast Fujian mountainous region for large community living and defense, built with weight bearing rammed earth wall and wood frame structure.") Nagyobbrészt kerek formájúak, de előfordul négyzet alaprajzú is.

Még ma is több, mint 20.000 tulou van, a legrégebbiek 700 évesek. Általában 3-5 szintesek, átmérőjük elérheti a 60 métert. Egyes épületekben akár 80 család is lakik. A külső gyűrűben a lakások, belül a földszinten közösségi épületek találhatók

Források:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fujian_Tulou
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tianluokeng_Tulou_cluster
http://www.chinadwelling.dk/hovedsider/clan_homes-tekst.htm

Jancsó Miklós

2 I 4 e Fujian (Huanan, e)
The vernacular architecture of Fu)ian province, in southeastern coastal China, has been shaped by geography, historical factors such as periodic ethnic migrations, and by the availability of various building materials The region can be divided into two distinctive building types brick houses of coastal Fu)ian, and the rammed earth houses of mountainous western Fu)ian Two other building tvpes, the timber-framed houses of northeastern Fu|ian and the stepped, horse-gable-
roofed masonr\ houses of northern and northwestern I u|iaii draw heaviK from the vernaculai architecture of neighbouiing Jiangxi and Zhe|iang provinces Despite regional variations in construction and roof type the eastern coastal, northeastern and northwestern houses are identical in interior plan and volume three to five ba\ s wide with a central courtvard Houses are one or two store\s in height and large houses are made up of combinations of the basic three-ba\ unit
Fu]ian is quite mountainous and punctuated b\ manv rivers Only 10 per cent of the province, located along the coast is arable land, with 80 per cent mountainous and the balance water Fhe terrain has made communication between settlements difficult limiting the exchange of information and building practices Building tiaditions have developed locally, rather than extending throughout the province Where there is communication between communities it is cross-bordei or across water beuveen northeastern I ujian and Jiangxi between northwestern I ujian and Zhejiang and between coastal Fujian and laiwan, less than 200 km (125 mi) away across the Taiwan Strait
1 he lesidents of eastern I u|ian are piimarily descendants of Qingdvnasty migrants fiom central China, bringing with them China's prevailing courtyard tradition with its principles of central axis, svmmetrv and formal hierarchy of graduated rooms or halls Hakka people migrated to the region later, settling in the western mountainous region, and bringing with them the traditions of defensive clan dwelling
Houses built along the arable coastal plain are of timber-frame construction, with facades of red brick, or a combination of granite and red brick These are heavy materials able to withstand the high winds and heavy rains of season il monsoons and frequent coastal typhoons Stone is not dressed, but squared off and of irregular but roughK rectangular form Brick IS used in two forms a thin brick biscuit, which is dn -laid between stone courses and moulded brick often over-fired, with burned faces exposed to create a decorative checkerboard pattern During the late Qing dynasty influences from tiading partners in Southeast Asia inspired a new brick firing method in which brick is staggered in kilns, and the final piocedure of sprinkling used to create traditional Chinese green or grey brick IS omitted, creating vaiiegated shades of red instead Greyish granite is used as a base or sill course, and appears in carved column bases and occasionallv in relief on stone lintels
above entrance doors. Window and door surrounds feature
carved decoration, influenced bv the Chuanzhou tradition of
Guangdong province to the south Black tile roofs feature
turned-up eaves in a swallow-tail profile Roofs are flush with
gable-end walls, with no overhang, to prevent uplift in the high
winds of the typhoon season In material and decoration, the
houses of coastal Fupan icsemblc those of nearby laiwan, 1
principal trading partner With access both to arable land and
the sea for trade, coastal Fu|ian prospered, and this is reflected
in the resources lavished on dramaticallv contrasting materials.
decorative carved granite, elaborate patterned brickwork, and
extravagant, soaring tile roofs
The houses of northeastern Fu|ian are of timber-framed construction, infilled with rammed earth, mud or stone Gable
roofs with deep, overlungiiig eaves,