2012. július 23., hétfő

Wewewa ház, Sumba sziget, Ratenggaro, Indonézia

1002. oldal
312. tetőfedés


http://www.sumai.org/asia/sumba.htm - nagyon sok, de nagyon kicsi kép
http://danieltrih.wordpress.com/2012/06/04/staying-a-night-in-sumba-south-west-elopada/ - sok kép, de mindenki nyugati ruhákban van
http://www.hpgrumpe.de/reisebilder/nusa_tenggara/sumba/sumba_1.htm - térkép és szöveg


2 II 2 r wewewa (Sumba, w)
The Wewewa are sedentary farmers who raise horses, buffaloes, swine and poultry. They are the largest ethnic group in west Sumba. The Wewewa landscape is one of hills and highlands dominated by Mt Yawila, which rises to a height
of 888 m (2913 ft). After a period marked by many migrations, the Wewewa settled in villages on hilltops overlooking a network of rice fields irrigated from a spring. This complex forms the main ritual centre of the whole Wewewa territory.
Trees hide these villages, some of which are still surrounded by stretches of defensive stone walls. The houses are built around a central plaza ringed by tombs. Although all houses (umma) - a notion encompassing both a buildingand the social unit connected to it - recognize their subordinate genealogical position with respect to a so-called 'mother-and-father' house, their relationships are defined mainly through the tasks assigned to them either during the rituals performed at the 'mother-and-father' house or during those connected with the farming of the rice fields on which several ancestral villages are dependent.
'Younger brothers' left these ancestral villages to found corral villages and field villages where houses originating from different villages can be found. The members of these houses still recognize their village of origin and must take part in the rebuilding of their ancestral house. A symbol of the group's unity, this house is characterized by its high-peaked roof, in contrast to the other houses, which share the same plan but do not have a high-peaked roof Roof height is an index of social status or ritual importance. It is this ancestral house which is described below.
The house is built on wooden piles, according to a rectangular plan. There are three levels: the ground level, where animals can be kept at night; the platform inhabited by the household; and the loft-like space under the upper part of the roof where the 'contents' (e.g. ancient swords, spears and gold adornments) of the house are stored. These contents form an inalienable heirloom which is excluded from all exchanges. The status of the house stems partly from these sacred objects. As this sacred heirloom guarantees the continuity of descent, their dispersal could put an end to the lineage.
The house is built by a couple of people skilled in carpentry together with members of the house and affines. Traditionally, only vegetal matter is used: wood, bamboo and various lianas

(which furnish ropes to hold the structure together), and Imper-ata cylindrica (for thatching). Rites, including animal sacrifices, accompany the various building stages. Their goal is both to guarantee the solidit)' of the construction and to ensure the prosperity of the house members. At first, for instance, the 'master of the forest' is propitiated so that he will allow the men to take and use building materials, especially the trees that will be turned into the four central posts of the house.
The top of these posts is hewn so as to form a forked mortise. Then they are carved and driven counterclockwise into the ground, beginning with the 'divining-posť near which the people performing the rituals usually stand or sit. Each post has a specific name and purpose referring both to the roles of the living members of the house and to the souls of the ancestors or to the supernatural forces dwelling in the house (both referred to as marapu).
Twelve side-posts rise alongside these posts. Four beams (tanata) are bound to all 16 posts and form the framework supporting the floor of the platform, which is made of split bamboos and wooden laths. The platform area is structured with respect to the four central posts. The hearth (rabuka), which is placed between them, is central to the daily activities of the house. The platform is divided into a sacred male part (mbali tonga), which is defined as the right-hand part of the house when viewed from the front, and a female part, the 'base of the water jar' (kere pandalu), which is located to the left of the hearth. Each part has its own entrance door opening onto a veranda (bangga) through the front part of the wall surrounding the platform. Partitions of various heights

dehne specific spjces, one or two of which serve as closed bedrooms
At the upper level four collars are placed on the central posts as a sign of high status, two beams running parallel to the front (patenta) lock in with the mortised tops of the central posts, seven, nine or eleven beams of the same length rest across them perpendicularly (beina) Another four beams form a rectangle delimiting the size of the platform forming the fioor of the attic The peaked part of the roof is erected on top of this platform The ridge-beam, which is called the buffalo, has two holes in it holding the upright 'horns' that jut out of the finished roof four poles bound to the ridge-beam are fastened to the upper platform and then other poles are intercalated, inner and outer transverse struts running around the roof frame are added so as to secure them These struts form superimposed rectangular liku the height of the roof (tolaka) is measured by the number of liku (three or seven) used Finally, vertical and horizontal poles are added, and the roof-frame is then covered with sheaves of Itnperata cylmdrica secured with
bamboo sticks and cord 1 hatching is effected upwards beginning with the front side and going counterclockwise so as to cover the three other sides
Once the house has been completed, the rite of'sending away the wood, bamboo, and lianas' is performed, in which token samples are returned to their 'masters' so the supply will not run out and so that all building defects and infringements of custom law associated with the construction are cast out of the village
I he building period ends with a feast which gathers all relatives and affines who participated in the building and provided the animals to be sacrificed The bigger the feast, the larger the number of animals sacrificed, the greater and the more prestigious the name of the house I his name may fall into oblivion -or be restored to fame thanks to the personal charisma of the head of the house Wewewa society thus affords some scope for status mobility This flexibility is also manifested through the possibilit} of moving the ancestral house down to a site in a corral village It is then called the 'shadow and reflection' of the original house.


1 V2 p-i Grass and reed thatch
Like tiling, tii.uching involves placing the mdterijl in ascending and overlapping courses so that rainwater How is directed as rapidly as possible to the ground. In place of the tile the thatcher works with an armful of grass and his skill lies in an ability to secure each armful, which may comprise several thousand grass stems, so that each and every stem lies parallel to the next one. The join between each armful and each course should be invisible on the surface, and the fixing which holds each armful must be at the same depth within the thatch.
Each armful of grass, wedge-shaped as grass stems are tapered, once tied in place, is then driven under its fixing so that it is held more and more tighdy. The thatcher uses a legget, which is a tool like a large, flat mallet but with a ridged working surface to catch and drive each grass stem upwards, wedging them into the fixings. The legget (in Wales it was called a 'dobřen', in Devon a 'drift') also allows the thatcher to produce a smooth surface with an even thickness - approximately 30 cm (i ft:) is considered ideal for economy and durability on a roof pitched at 45°.
Thatch is traditionally stitched to the roof battens using tarred twine. With a straight needle two people are required, one inside the roof space and the thatcher on the outside. Various labour-saving devices are used in different places. In Denmark curved needles are still common though copper wire has replaced twine; in Holland thatchers use two needles - one with a hook, the other with an eye. In England thatchers abandoned stitching in favour of blacksmith-made crooks. These are long iron nails with a hook which holds a horizontal, traditionally hazelwood sway which is laid over each course of grass.
Regionally distinct styles which survive in Europe are often most visible in the finishing-off'work, particularly the ridge. The ridge-capping is essential as it prevents water from percolating into the body of the thatch through the otherwise exposed fixings of the uppermost course of reed. The distinctive, scallop-cut patterned ridges which are traditional in the eastern counties of England, are made of sedge. This type of ridge has to be replaced every 12-15 years whereas across the North Sea Dutch thatchers, also using water reed, place large half-round fired clay riles to serve as a ridge which can be re-used when the thatch is replaced. Danish water-reed thatchers continue to ridge with straw weighted down with a row of rough-hewn wooden yokes. This random-straw ridge is replaced every three or four years.
The different thatching terms of each region arc another indication of retained tradition. In England thatchers (formerly called 'culminars' 'theykers' or 'reders') secured the ridge with sharpened hazelwood spikes, each bent double into the shape ofa hairpin. Today these are generally called 'spars'; in the past they were broaches, buckles, scobs spiks, sparrows, sparrods, speets or, quite simply, thacke-pegs. In Devon, the thatcher carried his straw in a frail, a strood, a groom or a yoke. The first layer of thatch was made up of small, tighdy tied bundles variously called botdes (Berkshire), wadds (Devon), gavels (Norfolk), batts (Nottinghamshire) or simply bunches (Bast Lothian). In Norfolk, reed was cut by marshmen who sold it by the fathom, which is a bundle of 2 m (6.5 ft) circumference. Devon thatchers bought combed wheat straw by the nitche (11 kg [241b]), or the truss (6.4 kg [141b]).

Wewewa teto_szov312.txt

Nincsenek megjegyzések:

Megjegyzés küldése

Megjegyzés: Megjegyzéseket csak a blog tagjai írhatnak a blogba.