2011. március 27., vasárnap

Faházak Irkutszkból / Wooden Houses in Irkutsk











Szibéria fa építészete három szakaszba sorolható:
1.Első telepesek idején nagy barna fa kunyhókban éltek az emberek, amik tárolásra szolgáló pincével rendelkeztek. A pince a legjellemzőbb vonása a szibériai házaknak
2. XVIII. század közepén megjelent a tornác és az erkély, az ablakok kiszélesedtek, az pincében pedig a konyhát alakították ki.
3. XIX. század első felében a szerkezetek bonyolultabbá váltak. Veranda és padlás alakult ki a házakban. A homlokzatot faragások díszitették, különöleges hangsúlyt fektetve az ablakokra. Az amberek akkoriban úgy gondolták, hogy az ablakon gonosz lelkek lépnek be. Ettől védte meg őket a díszítés.
Irkutszkban a leggyakoribb háztípus, a pincével és a ház hátsó részében magas terasszal és erkéllyel rendelkező házak. Általában 5-6 ablak nézett az utcára. Az ablakok meglehetősen nagyok. A plasztikus redőnyök kék és zöld színekben pompáznak. A szibériai faházak fenyőből és cédrusból készülnek. Néha az alapokat vörösfenyőből készítik, mert ha nedvesség éri olyan erős lesz, mint a vas.


Források:
http://www.baikalex.com/info/irkutsk.html

http://koos.hu/2009/01/12/tradicionalis-orosz-fahazak/



Szabó Boglárka

Nivkhi (chadryu), Yakuts (bala^an), and the Selkup (karamo), while the Koryaks had a many-sided dugout dwelling with two entrances, and the Chukchi Eskimos built structures from the skulls and bones of whales and other marine animals (chuk, wa\laran).
The oldest and most widespread post-framed structures were pyramidal or truncated pyramidal, built either at ground level or, in many cases, as dugouts. Generally the pyramidal structure had a frame of 4, 8 or 12 inclined posts fastened together at the top and this frame was covered with poles, split logs, bark, turf, earth or snow. Truncated pyramidal (hipped) structures, unlike the pyramidal ones, the four corner-posts held together at the top in a quadrilateral frame which formed a roof 'I'his had a hole in it to let the smoke out, and was also used as one of the entrances in large dwellings.
Large frame structures, especially dugout ones, were generally permanent winter dwellings. Where, like the flolomo, they were surface dwellings, they were likely to be seasonal. Most light frame structures were temporär)' or seasonal or were shelters for people on the move: the dual-pitch lean-to u^dan of the Evenki, the aunzn of the Ulchis, the daura of the Oroks and the Ulchis, the dzhuijdy of the Orochi, the spherical or hemispherical marma of the Selkup, the tunus or mus of the Kets, the dauro of the Nanais, the slashed cylinder-shaped khomiran of the Ulchi,
the rectangular gabled pole-and-bark structure (nivkh. kliomorti) and the tonto-khot of the Khant\'s, the lava of the Orochis, the Sûs-kol of the Mansi, and the om-riju of the Nivkhi.
There were log structures without a frame (kimiit, yukh-khat, khat sokh, mans, nor-khol, yakh, pouarnya, niukh and potha-ryu), wherein branches were joined at the corners in a variet)' of ways (e.g. saddle-notched, dog-head, with the logs projecting at the corners, or with a ridge-beam). This t)'pe of building could be surface, below ground or on piles. Sometimes they were permanent winter houses and sometimes they were used as grain barns. The roof could be flat, pyramidal or gabled with a smoke-hole at the ridge-beam. The layout was generally square or rectangular, but the Yakuts, Khakass and Altai used to have many-sided log houses. They were heated by an open hearth stove of wattle and clay (chuual), or by an iron stove. In most cases the technique was adopted from the Russians, but some peoples, like the Khantys, Mansi, Teleyuts and the people of Amuriya, developed their own primitive versions.

Wooden houses, like the Khant)' yukh-kat, were made of planks with ver)' close corners, sometimes slotted into grooves in the corner-posts, sometimes wedged between pairs of corner-posts, sometimes mitred. The latter belong to a later period (igth century). They were used as summer houses by the I<.hant)'s, Mansi, Altai, Teleyuts and people of Amuriya. The Ob Ugris had a house with a boarded pediment and walls reinforced inside and out with pairs of vertical poles and beams joined together with special clamps through apertures in the plank walls, or alternatively with ropes made from cedar root (up to three strengtheners for each wall).
Stone houses, without a timber frame, were found among Siberian Tatar town-dwellers.

Irkutsk faház_szov839.txt

2011. március 26., szombat

Shaanxi löszbarlangok / Yellow Soil Caves in Shaanxi



239. is

Az észak-kínai Sárga-folyó felső és középső szakaszának környéke löszbe vájt barlangokkal van tele. Shaanxiban, Gansuban, Henanban, Shanxiban és a Löszfennsík többi településén a helybeliek löszhegyek oldalába vájnak egymással határos üregeket. A barlangban téglákkal rakják ki a falakat, így tűztől, zajtól védettek lesznek a barlangok; bennük télen meleg, nyáron hideg van. A barlanglakások másik nagy előnye, hogy megspórolják a földet az építők, ugyanis erre nem kell költeni. A természetbe szervesen illeszkedő üreg a legkedvezőbb építészeti stílus, mely azt bizonyítja, hogy a helybeliek szeretik a löszfennsíkot.


Források:
http://ata.hannam.ac.kr/china/hanjiayao/hanjiayao.htm

2 I 3 c Gansu (Huabei, nw)
Stretching between the deserts of Inner Mongolia to the north and the Tsinghai mountains and plateaux to the south, Gansu province extends to the northwest through the loess of the Yellow (Huanghe) river basin. The shaft-type of troglodytic house (tuinjuiíj yuan shi) is popular in Gansu, being most frequently encountered in the southeast of the province, in Qingyang, Tianshin, Pingliangand Dingsi districts, and also found in Shaanxi, Shanxi and Ilenan provinces: these houses form villages on flat ground. A square or rectangular shaft is dug vertically and constitutes a court\'ard of about 15 m x 15 m (50 ft X 50 ft) which represents an activity space of major importance and to which all the rooms lead. The shafts arc usually about 6 m {20 ft) deep which accounts for the exceptional temperature stability of the habitations which are dug laterally on the southern, eastern and western sides. Generally there arc two or three rooms either barrel-vaulted or cross-vaulted on each side of the courtyard. The northern side is devoted to access and sometimes to a storage room dug in the ground. The main rooms where people live are situated on the southern side. There is either an inclined mud plane leading to the yard or stairs in the central part with an inclined strip on each side. When the difference in level is too great the inclined plane becomes a tunnel where can be found the storerooms for tools, crops and seeds and, at times, for a well.
In some cases, the dwelling is indicated by a built entrance at the starting point of the inclined plane. This construction shows the technical and architectural features of the traditional Chinese house.
The square yard around which are disposed the different rooms of this traditional house is called the 'sk\' shaft'. This name is particularly suitable when applied to that space in shafttype dwellings between the outside open landscape and the privacy of the caves Bevond its functional aspect in the habitation (as main living space and junction point beuveen the rooms) it also allows the existence of a microclimate owing to the radiation from Its walls towaids the central space Sound insulation from one shaft to the shaft next door and from the village noises IS perfect 1 hat insulation (due to the mass of earth separating the dwellings) is maximum m the m un rooms
The vva> the rooms are laid out iround the square vard is the principal common characteristic w ith the traditional pattern of the Han house in the North of China 1 here are other features confirming that the Chinese cave dwelling pattern has not de\ eloped an\ particular form but has adapted a traditional pattern of which It IS the underground version
As in the traditional Chinese house the main rooms bedrooms reception room and room devoted to the ancestors' altar are situated on the side to the south 1 ach one of them is equipped with a kang Ihis cooking heartli and the heat store under a rimmed-earth bed is no different fiom the one which cm traditionalK be found in an\ Chinese house Ihe screen wall (yinqbi) in cave dwellings is another com mon clement with built houses of the same pattern Ihe major function of the screen placed in the \ard opposite the entrance is to prevent evil spirits from entering It is a wall about 2 m (6 5 ft) high, that can be made of rammed earth adobe or baked bricks Where it is made of unbaked earth its base is formed of two or three lasers of baked bricks to protect it from possible water damage It is covered with tiles and there is a small niche in the middle
The neolithic site of Banpo (near Xian in Shaanxi province) harbours numerous traces of pit houses Ihis small-sized rudimentary housing tvpe could be the origin of shaft-type dwellings of which Gansu offers examples of outstanding complexit) or it is possible that it is the ultimate form of the laterally excavated dwellings in which the vard gradually encroached on the loess wall.

1 IV 4 b-i Cave shelter: Han
Cave dwellings (yao dong) in China are almost always cut from loess, a wind-blown deposit with the texture of soft rock. Most are found in the area of the loess plateau, which stretches northeast from the central drainage basin of the Yellow River (Huanghe). This region extends into the provinces of Henan, where lo per cent of the 70 million inhabitants are cave dwellers, Shanxi (with 5 million cave dwellers, a quarter of the rural population), Shaanxi, Gansu and Qinghai, together with parts of the autonomous regions of Xinjiang, Ningxia-Hui and Inner Mongolia.
An estimated 40 million Chinese live in caves today. However, freestanding terraces of earth-roofed 'caves' (disfiantj) are included in the extension of this term in China. These are earth-sheltered structures where the vault is constructed of stone and adobe blocks - sometimes over formwork of loess, which is then removed by excavation - and later backfilled to level the roofterrace.
Chinese cave dwellings can be divided into those cut horizontally into a steep hillslope and those excavated out from a vertical pit.
In cliff dwellings, a simple side-by-side array is most common, each household having at least two or three caves. Caves may intercommunicate horizontally, so that lateral caves do not need an outside door. Occasionally, the house has a second storey of caves above the first, which may be reached by an external stairway of stone or timber, or accessed inside by a ladder. Earth excavated from the caves is tamped to form access
roads to the terraces, front courtyards and outbuildings like animal pens and latrines. Vegetables are stored in pits (jiaou) within the courtyard area.
The pit dwelling is more suited to a flat site. The courtyard is normally rectangular, around 10 m {33 ft) square and 6 m (20 ft) deep, giving 2.5-3 nn (8-10 ft) overburden above the crown of the cave vaults. Some large pits may be shared by up to ten families. However, in a more typical situation, two generations of a family will share a dwelling, each household having a separate kitchen and living accommodation while latrines and stores are shared. The household of the eldest son usually occupies the caves to the north of the pit, that is, those with the most favourable southern orientation. Parents and younger siblings occupy the east and west sides, while the shady south often has a lean-to construction, or subsidiary stores and latrines. The south, being the less desirable cave aspect, is also most commonly the side on which the entrance ramp or stairway issues. Owing perhaps to the Chinese concern for privacy, there is usually a single or double elbow on the descent, or a screen wall blocking the view from a direct entry. There may be stables opening off this ramp, or a 'farmyard' court giving onto the dwelling pit; and there is often a soakaway for waste water in the centre of the court.
Both cliff and pit type dwellings are composed of groupings of cave elements which are to a large extent standardized within regions. Differences between the three main regions can be seen in the proportions of the cave in plan and section, disposition of internal elements and facade treatment.
In the Longdong region, from southeast Gansu to central Shaanxi, the arched shape of the vault is expressed on the facade by an arch which encloses three openings: door to one side, window to the other and a smaller ventilation opening at top centre. The taller caves are sometimes subdivided horizontally to give an upper garret in timber. The kan^, a raised brick platform heated from within by a sort of hypocaust system, is generally placed beneath the window on the front wall. This is also a common feature ofabove-ground houses in the region. It is used as a bed in winter, and as a dais for taking meals.
Caves in the Yuxi region, from the northern part of Henan to tlte Yellow River, tend towards a bottle-shape opening out towards the interior. Some are very long, particularly in Gongxian county

(Henan), where rooms are excavated in sequence back into tiie cliff face, and separated by cloth screens. Openings are relatively small, but in this more humid region, doors and windows arc usually framed in brick and often surmounted by oversailing courses to throw stormwater clear.
In the Yenan region, northern Shaanxi, the vault is parallel, and semicircular in cross-subsection. Around Yenan itself the use of stone masonr>' for the vault enables the width between adjacent caves to be reduced. Typically, the whole round-arched facade is closed off by a timber latuce screen, filled in with oiled silk or rice-paper around the door and window openings. Allowing light to penetrate deep into the interior enables the kanij to be placed towards the cave's rear.

Shaanxi Gansu_szöv880_81.txt
Shaanxi_szöv239.txt


2011. március 22., kedd

Taos, Pueblo / Taos, Pueblo



1930. oldal.
328 is valami.


http://goo.gl/maps/5ZIMA


Az egyesült államok déli részén, Arizona államban, rezervátumban élnek a Hopi indiánok. Egyik ismert településük Walpi. Különleges építészeti emlékük a pueblo (= falu) A pueblo sok család otthona, ahogy a neve is mutatja, egy egész falu lakik benne. Az építmények többnyire kőből, vályogból készülnek, és hatalmasak is lehetnek, lényegében sok-sok egymás mellé-egymásra épített házból állnak.

Linkek:
http://inkido.indiana.edu/w310work/romac/hopi.htm http://www.ancestral.com/cultures/north_america/hopi.html http://www.seekeronline.org/journals/y2008/jun08.htm

Képek:

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Kiva.jpg http://www.radekaphotography.com/images/Taos-Pueblo-L.jpg http://4.bp.blogspot.com/___2AcEs6tBI/TCRqyTiEVTI/AAAAAAAAAAs/tPY-IxYYN48/s1600/Traditional-village-of-Walpi.gif

Chapó Zsolt


3.VI.7.e     Keres (nm)
There are two major linguistic groups among the ig Pueblo Indian tribes of New Mexico, Keresan and Tanoan (including Towa, Tiwa and Tewa). Keres people reside at the
pueblos of Santa Domingo, San Felipe, Cochiti, Santa Ana and Zia which are on or near the Rjo Grande some 50 km (30 mi) north of Albuquerque, New Mexico and at Acoma and Laguna pueblos located 100 km (60 mi) west of Albuquerque in dry canyon lands.
Keres pueblos have followed traditional pueblo planning and construction methods in old village centres and more contemporary building outside traditional centres. Traditional construction is of adobe at river pueblos and stone with adobe at Acoma and Laguna. River pueblos use circular kiua structures, Acoma and Laguna use rectilinear kwas built into housing blocks. The kiua is a religious structure where the sacred dances and oral history of the pueblo are learned.
The Spanish constructed mission churches at all Keres pueblos in the 1600S. rhePuebloansdid not allow church structures within the main area of the pueblo; all stand at the pueblo perimeter. Today, Pueblo religion and Catholicism are both practised simultaneously.
Hopi village of walpi stands on the first Mesa, a narrow ridge of yellow sandstone rock. Arizona
Houses in the Hopi village of Walpi access to the kiva m the foreground

Acoma
Acoma pueblo may be the most famous of all Keresan pueblos because of its spectacular location atop the 120 m (400 ft) high Acoma mesa (flat-topped stone mountain). Structures date to pre-Columbian times, exhibiting traditional pueblo planning, orientation, massingand appearance. Traditional construction is of flat stone-masonr\' units bound with an adobe mortar, then surfaced with adobe plaster. Roof structures are flat and constructed in the traditional manner. Floor surfaces are rock or packed adobe. Water is collected from large natural rock cisterns which store the accumulated rainwater.
In 1640 the Acoma people, under Spanish supervision, built the church of San Esteban at the edge of the mesa top. This most impressive of mission churches possesses a basilica plan, some 45 m (140 ft) long and 9 m (30 ft) wide, rising to 9 m (30 ft) on the interior of the nave. The walls are some 1.8 m (6 ft) thick or more at the base, tapering to 0.6 m (2 ft) at the roof level. The interior is stark with whitewashed walls, an adobe floor and simple folk decoration. The roof is supported by massive vigas transported from Mt Taylor's ponderosa pine forest, some 65 km (40 mi) away. The church is fronted by two massive square bell-towers and the two-storey convento is attached to the north side of the church. In front of the church is the tam-posanto, sacred burial ground, which is surrounded by an adobe wall containing facial images, representing watchful spirits.
In leaving their ancestral home on the mesa, the Acoma have moved to residences in the nearby valley at Acomita and to their traditional farming village at North Pass, now called McCartys. New architecture follows formats inspired by the US Bureau of Indian Affairs. Houses are detached, single-family units of modern design. There are modern community centres, schools, banks and so on. Construction is standard wood frame, steel, concrete and stucco. Nothing of the traditional is carried over into the new, in either planning or substance.
After extensive 20th-century change, the Acoma have been encouraged to restore their ancient mesa pueblo to its original form with preservation grants. New additions follow traditional plans but use modern materials foreign to traditional building methods, such as mass produced adobe brick, milled lumber, stucco and aluminium windows. A majority of the first-floor dwelling units, the kwas and mission San Esteban still retain traditional construction.                

Taos_pueblo_szov1930_31.txt

2011. március 21., hétfő

Vert vályog ház Szíriából / Mud House, Syria

Szíria népi építészete elég összetett. Éghajlatából adódóan sokféle építőanyaggal, és ezáltal sokféle tradícionális házzal találkozunk. Főleg Damaszkusz vidékén volt jellemző, hogy vert vályogból építkeztek. A házak fala 50-60 cm, de akár az egy métert is elérheti. A nyílások mérete korlátozott volt. A maximális méret az 1,2m x 0,9 méteres ajtó volt. E mellett csak 20-40/40 centiméteres szellőző nyílásokat alakítottak ki. A szemöldökfák általában egyenesek voltak. A házak födéme is vályogból készült: vályog kupolával fedték le helyiségeiket, ami általában 30-40 cm vastag volt, és akár a hét méteres magasságot is elérhette.


Források:
http://www.meda-corpus.net/libros/pdf_manuel/syria_eng/ats_eng_2.pdf

Vagy: Sarouj / Hamah
https://www.google.hu/search?q=beehive+houses+in+Sarouj&hl=hu&prmd=imvnsb&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ei=bk0QUPO0NsTQsga7hYCoAQ&ved=0CDoQ_AUoAQ&biw=1920&bih=1085

Vagy: Aleppo
https://www.google.hu/search?q=beehive+houses+in+Sarouj&hl=hu&prmd=imvnsb&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ei=bk0QUPO0NsTQsga7hYCoAQ&ved=0CDoQ_AUoAQ&biw=1920&bih=1085#hl=hu&tbm=isch&sa=1&q=beehive+houses+in+Aleppo&oq=beehive+houses+in+Aleppo&gs_l=img.3...86906.87842.0.88063.6.6.0.0.0.0.84.494.6.6.0...0.0...1c.RnNjiaRtnZ0&pbx=1&bav=on.2,or.r_gc.r_pw.r_qf.,cf.osb&fp=589aa3f6d51f5e09&biw=1920&bih=1085

Ferenczy Kinga

2lV4f Idlib (Syria, Nw)
On the steppes of Idlib and Aleppo in northern Syria, the domed house has characterized the local architecture for thousands of years. This is an age-old building technique employed m these semi-arid regions to create a covered space without recourse to any materials other than the earth.
Perfectly adapted to its physical and social environment, the dome offers man an ideal shelter from the arduous and hostile climate. Requiring only a minimum of technical knowledge and still put up in the original manner, by the peasants themselves, it is the most economical of all methods of construction known in the rural Syrian world.
Its construction of adobe in the form of bricks of sun-dried mud, measuring i8 cm x 35 cm x 7 cm (7 in x 14 in x 3 in), is original: concentric layers of bricks are built up in circles of progressively decreasing diameters, built directly onto the ground, and adhered together with cob-mortar; neither foundation nor framework nor scaffolding is used. On the outside of the house protruding stones are squeezed in between the horizontal layers of bricks which form the sides; with the help of these stones it is possible to climb up the structure to recast it or restore it every spring.
Each layer precariously overlaps the preceding one on the inside of the house until the hole is entirely filled in; the walls and roof are thus formed at one and the same time. Thus the whole edifice consists of a big conical skullcap of round section and diameter rarely exceeding 3-5 m (10-16 ft) in height. It is the same technique as is used for corbelled vaults.
Ventilation of the inner space is effected by a small opening in the wall, made by leaving a gap between bricks of the same layer. Making a large opening in a cupola is a much more complex operation as the nature of the structure requires that the
edifice be a single compact block. A large opening would be perilous to the solidity and resistance of the dome, meaning, as it would, the absence of a wall; the incline of the sides and fragility of the structure itself prevent windows being put in.
The entrance to the house is made by forming a large opening in the wall. Two adobe pillars protruding towards the outside are placed on either side of the entrance and are topped by a wood lintel supporting the upper layers of the wall. A rectangle of wood frames the opening of the entrance to hold the door. To protect the construction against damp and erosion a layer of well packed adobe, covered over with glazing, is applied to the lower layers of bricks on the exterior, and the whole structure is roughcast in thin successive layers of clay. Finally it is all whitewashed for thermal and aesthedc reasons.
Inside the cupola, the ground is beaten earth raised by 20-30 cm (8-12 in). An arch of unfired earthen bricks embedded into the wall forms a kind of peasant cupboard (al coutoubiyah). On the same side as the entrance-way, the rural hearth (al maouked) is built to serve as a fireplace during the winter. A thin layer of whitewashed clay covers the walls up to a height of 1.8 m (6 ft).
To the north and east of Idlib, where this architecture grows more widespread, the conical cupola rising straight up from the ground gives way to the cupola resting on a cubic base larger than the dome itself This cubic base is made of four vertical walls varying between 70 cm (2.3 ft) and 2 m (6.5 ft) in height, doubled on the outside to absorb the lateral forces and to ensure that the building is of maximum solidity and inertia.
The construction of the walls of the cubic base is similar to the method used for Mediterranean houses. To build the dome roof the square design of the cubic base is rounded with the aid of wooden supports or monoliths. This technique permits a larger space to be covered by the juxtaposition of two identical constructions. The opening of an arch made of mud-bricks in the median wall facilitates communication between the rooms. In this style of house where the dome acts as roof the vertical walls of the cubic base render the interior space more functional.
The cupola built for living in faces south to catch the weak rays of the winter sun, and faces away from the predominant west wind, thus avoiding draughts. To complete the building, the site is demarcated by an adobe enclosure about 1.5 m (5 ft) high, built in order to surround the house and to create in front of it an uncovered area, an open-air yard for the family's various daily and agricultural activities.

Mudhouse_idlib_szov1508.txt

2011. március 15., kedd

Minka / Minka



A minkáknak több fajtájuk létezik, függ a földrajzi és éghajlati viszonyoktól, valamint a lakók életmódjától. Legelterjedtebb a farmházi stílus. Olcsó és azonnal megszerezhető anyagokat használtak, a farmerek csak ezt engedhették meg maguknak. Majdnem kizárólag csak fából készítik, valamint bambuszból, agyagból és több különféle szalmából. A csontvázszerű szerkezete, a tető, a falak, és az oszlopok fából készülnek. A külső falakat gyakran bambusz és agyag összeadásával készítették. Szalmát használnak fedő zsúpra. Néha égetett agyag tetőcserepeket használtak zsúpon felül. Méreteit nem lehet behatárolni. A legkülönfélébb kialakítások jöttek létre a különböző földrajzi és éghajlati viszonyok, valamint a lakók életmódja alapján.

Linkek:

wiki
cikk
http://shirakawa-go.org/english/e_world.html
videó
falukép

Visitors to the Nan bism yyill find many old villages some of them recorded in incient archives more than 1300 vears ago Many villages are enclosed by the moats which were built m the Middle Ages for the purpose of self-defence But visitors may be deluded as they walk in a tow n street, because they see onl) the red lattice windows and stuccoed mud walls lining both sides On the other side of the walls, a mam building with a white stuccoed gable is fronted by a well-kept farm court m the tvpical pattern of the closed couit type of rural habitation (Demangeon)
On the other hand, in the Chubu district houses in the villages are surrounded by wind-breaks, and the main houses and other dependent buildings stand around a court without walls. This is the open court t>'pe (Demangeon) that prevails in eastern districts.
Since 1923 the commoner's house (minka) has been recognized as an important element m both the rural and the urban landscape of'lapan (Kon). The settlement landscape reflects the historical background of countr)' life; for the minka, the situation is the same.
Even as late as the 1930s, most mmka were thatched with wild grasses, sometimes mixed with straw. At that time, reroofing was undertaken about ever)' 40 years. It was the villagers' task to mow the common land, the grass being kept in the garrets till the next autumn. Reroofing of the houses was done, one by one, under communal collaboration.
In the Chubu and Tohoku districts where silkworm breeding was important, people raised the worms in the garrets, to spin cocoons. For this reason, they introduced huge and steep gam-brel or gable roofs. To use the high space, two or three floors were made to receive large quantities of silkworms. Coarsely laid, the board floors cannot correctly be called storeys.
Under the roof are the rooms, whose arrangement (madon) is the stage for rural life. A rural house generally consists of two areas, the boarded floor (yuka) and the bare earthen floor (mwa). The former is about 80 cm (30 in) higher in level than the latter, and people take oft their footwear when they go up to the yuka part.
Before the Mciji era, which began in 1868, there was no front door into the house, except in the case of those owned by a few village officials. The common people customarily used the entrance to the earth-floored n\wa. They entered the drawing room (zashiki) directly over the veranda (engawa) for a wedding or a funeral; Buddhist priests would do the same. In the Nan-goku district, gender discrimination remained; men used the entrance to the main building, while the women used the annexed kitchen entrance.
Among the rooms of the boarded yuka part, a narrow, dark chamber for the family head was situated in the furthermost corner, enclosed by walls. Used also as the place of birth and death, its name diff^ers from region to region, but was most popularly called the 'closet' (nando).
A wide board-floored room (hiroma) comes before the nando, and is used as the centre of family life. Here, the people installed the square fire-pit (iron) fitted with a pothook, around which they made meals or chatted over tea. Before going to sleep, the housewife buried the remains of the fire in ashes, to be remade the next morning. The inner side of the square fire-pit was the scat reserved for the family head (yokoza), one side seat was for a guest, and its opposite was for the housewife.
Originally, the annual harvest festival was celebrated at each villager's house in turn. With the gradual improvement of the sociocultural organization, other religious assemblies, as well as ceremonies and funerals, began to take place in a specific room, the zashiki, cited above, which literally means the 'sitting space'. It might be said that, since the times just before the Edo era, at the beginning of the 17th centurv', when the land measuring system was established, the modulated tatami mat came into use as luxurious furniture, first appearing in the suburban regions.
The mwa space is particularly small m the case of fishermen's houses, often less than 2 sq m (20 sq ft) in area. In western districts the niiua area hardly exceeds 50 sq m (550 sq ft), but in eastern districts it reaches twice that size as it is often used as an indoor workshop or contains a huge stable, once utilized for horse breeding. It is noteworthy that in the rear corner of the niuia is situated the family cooking hearth, made of stone, clay and stucco. The local dialect names, such as kamado ('spot of furnace') or especially hettsui, signify' the family fire. There the housewife dedicated pure salt and green leaves every two weeks, but in particular on New Year's morning.
A definitive synthetic classification of minka types seems not to have been realized as yet. With the room plan (madon) as a criterion, specific types can be recognized, though some difficulties remain.
Among the types of madon inlapan, tanoji type is recognized as the most recent and representative. Its boarded yuka part is divided by a wall, sliding door or screen into four rooms: nando, sitting-room, wairing room and drawing room. Then comes the earthen niuia part, a rather narrow space, often containinga stable for the ploughing ox. The tanoji-type house has a well-balanced gambrel roof with various ornaments on it, and refined red lattice windows or white stuccoed walls. It is widespread in Kinki, Saigoku and some regions of the Chubu district.
There is a type of mmku wliicli has onlv three rooms in tlic yuka part, because either the waiting room of the tanoji type is missing or the rooms are not differentiated, and so one room occupies a wide space 1 his is the hiroma t)'pe which prevails in Chubu and Tohoku districts It should be noted that the hiroma tj'pe is also found on the northeast coast of Biwa lake, in Kinki district Furthermore, it surv'ived in the Chugoku mountains until the 1920s (fsurufuji) Many records and some examples of a ground-level sitting-room (doia zumai) aie suggestive of the hiroma type s evo-luDonal relation to former pit dwellings Meanwhile, in advanced regions, such as the economically active rice or silkworm cultivation areas m Chubu district because of technical necessm, or mental acculturation, the waiting room became divided ofŤ and the tanoji type evolved from the hiroma t\pe 1 hese sorts of development were notable, especially along the main highroads
The ethnographer Yanagita has pointed out the existence of another type of madon m the Ryukuyu arc as well as on the southwest coast of Chubu district This third type is now termed by ethnographers and geographers thejlitamune type In Ryukuyu, this is particularlv characterized b\ the coexistence of the yuka and mwa parts, which stand on the same level, on either side of a 5 m (16 ft) space
Finally there remains a unique madon found in the elementar) type of minka (Demangeon), one of which stands in the islet of Hachijo in the far south of Tokyo Bay, and another on the hillsides of Mt Isurugi, Shikoku in Saigoku district As for the house plan, the mam house consists of the boarded yuka part only, and completely lacks the mwa However, this does not mean that there is no cooking hearth, it exists still in a rear corner of the compound, but in the open air and without a roof.
It is most popularh atcepted that the origin of lapanese vernacular houses lay in the amalgamation of northern and southern cultures Ihe former is characterized bv the pit dwelling, the latter by habitations on pilotis I his duahstic hypothesis is compelling, but at present the archaeological facts are not sufficientK persuasive, the problem remains unresolved
In conclusion, based on the type of madon of different minka the following vernacular cultural divisions can be proposed the territory of the tanoji type - Kinki and Saigoku, that of the hiroma tvpe-Chubu and lohoku, and thatof thejutamune type with Its many scattered subtypes - Nangoku district.

218-B Structure System
The structure of minka defies regional classification because various primary framing t\pes are used throughout Japan. A single structure may even employ two types, but some frameworks are also identified with particular regions The primary framework supports the enormous roof and defines the original undifferentiated space Eight such frameworks have been identified (Itoh, Plêsums), of which seven are used in minka trabeated, post wall, centre post, crossbeams, double crossbeams, box and space frame
The oldest and most wideK used, the trabeated framework consists of parallel portals with girders on top of the beams In a post wall framework posts are placed between base and top plates with beams between I his method is used in tightly packed urban houses (machiya) A centre post framework has four curved and sloping beams spanning bct\scen posts and the central support; in this and the two other square frameworks secondary posts are placed at the corners Where crossbeams are |oined in the middle, the beams are supported b\ four posts on the edge of a square plan, this framework IS used in small column-free houses and over earthen floor areas of larger minka In the case of double crossbeams, the joined beams are carried by two posts on each side of the square which defines a central sunken hearth The four corner-posts of a box framework are connected by mortised beams, braces, lintels and floor beams resulting in a rigid framework, the square, which is more than 5 m (16 ft), is used either over the earthen-floor area or in the house proper. In a space frame the posts connected by beams, lintels and floor beams result in a rigid aggregation of cellular volumes, posts may be removed if necessary and substituted with longer beams
Ihe most central of the primary posts (daikoku-bashira) is considered sacred - an embodiment of the god of harvest Removal of the primary posts has dire consequences A secondary set of posts facilitates the building of functional accommodations within the space
The hierarchical structure system permitted adaptations and transformations over time - the most significant feature of minka 1 he enormous roofs are the unifying features of internal
changes and subsequent additions. Tiic cellular spaces defined by the secondary set of posts have wood ceilings and walls, and their arrangement within the primary structure system can change in response to the demands of life. This quality of adaptation to changing use is responsible for keeping minka current until the middle of the 20th century.
The 'oldest is best' belief of many preservationists does not recognize the very nature of minkn; it is a dwelling generated by a process in which the unpredictable necessities of life give form to the structure. 'Completion' of the general and undefined space through modification is characteristic of minka and forms an interesting record of lives, times, tastes and skills in building (Plěsums).
Four types of roof structure are used to transmit the roof loads to the primary framework. The wagoifa consists of short vertical posts with horizontal ties that transfer the loads from purlins to crossbeams. It is incorrecdy referred to as the 'Japanese truss', but truss construction was unknown to the Japanese. The wagoija is used to support the low-pitched tile roofs. The equally shallow-pitched yojiro-ijumi roof structure uses raised beams and a central post to hold up a set of short parallel posts. The steep thatched or
cedar bark roofs are supported by a large A-frame roof structure (sasu). 'I'he ridge-pole is laced to the long A-frame poles which rest in pockets on top of crossbeams. The rafters and puriins are similariy laced together. The odacfii type of roof structure, most common in the Kinki district, employs a set of posts placed on top of the crossbeams to support the ridge-pole, and intermediate purlins and braces to reduce the spans of the A-frame members.

minka_volume988_991_171.txt

Futár Dóra

    2011. március 13., vasárnap

    Navajo Hogan / Navajo hogan



    A navajo indiánok több, egymáshoz hasonló típusú földházban laktak, főként Arizona államban. Voltak férfi és női házak, téli és nyári szállások, ez utóbbiak nem is házak, inkább fedett-nyitott építmények voltak, nevezték ramadának vagy shelternek is őket. Minden hogan fa gerenda tartószerkezettel és teljes vagy részleges föld borítással készült. Az épület padlóját más indián földházakkal ellentétben nem süllyesztették a terepszint alá. Alaprajza kör vagy sokszög alakú, átmérője általában 3-4 méter közötti, belső beosztása a jurtákhoz hasonlóan szigorúan szabályozott, bejárata mindig kelet felé tájolt. Középen, a füstlyuk alatt található a kályha. Energiamérlege, belső klímája a kis lehűlő felület és a nagy hőtehetetlenség következtében még a mai elvárások szerint is jónak mondható.

    Források:
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hogan
    típusok
    Window Rock rezervátum
    belső kép 1
    belső kép 2

    Jancsó Miklós

    alaprajz a dwellingben: 174. oldal

    3.VI 7 h-i Navajo: Window Rock (az; nm)
    The central Navajo Reservation, in the Chinle and Fort Defiance, Arizona, areas, and the Ramah Reserve in New Mexico, differ from the peripheral areas in carrying piflon and ponderosa pines and in having a longer history of Anglo-American acculturation (from 1846). These conditions resulted in new dwelling types (although those described above are also found in the central area).
    Early in the 19th century, a few stacked-log hogans were built with cribbing (i.e. odd-riered logs) rather than even-nered corbelling. Logs were not notched (corner-timbered), but the
    cribbing may still reflect influence from the New Mexico Hispanic cribbed-log tradition introduced early on from the IVlexi-can Sierra Madre, to which it had been imported by Silesian miners. With the availability of steel axes after i88i, and owing to Indian Agency encouragement of 'civilized' cribbed-log houses, in the i88os central Navajos began to build large corner-timbered, polygonal cribbed-log ho^ans, initially for ceremonies. By the mid-20th century, such si\- and eight-sided fio^jans were the most common dwellings in the central area. Single saddle-notching is the most usual among several styles of corner-timbering. Early roofs seem to have been flat, but cor-belled-log roofs soon replaced these, and in more recent times roll-roofing-covered board hipped roofs became usual.
    From i88o, sawmills near Fort Defiance have supplied sawn boards, and by the 1920s some frame houses were being built nearby. In the 1930s, polygonal hoijons of lumber and nails began to appear, accelerated by Navajos' experiences in construction during World War II and becoming very common in the ig50s and igöos. Only the use of wood-burning stoves made these poorly insulated dwellings habitable in winter.
    Although some hogans continue to be erected - mainly for ceremonial use and in more remote areas - the vast ma|ority of Navajo owner-built dwellings constructed since 1970 have been stuccoed frame houses, and commercially manufactured house trailers and modular houses have also become numerous. Clusters of federally subsidized, standardized, low-rent houses provided with utilities have been erected in many existing communities in recent decades (Jett and Spencer; Jett, 1987, 1992).
    s 1 hPHEN C. JETT
    3 VI 7 h-ii Navajo: hogan symbolism
    To the Navajo, their round winter dwelling made of wood and earth is much more than a house or even a home: the round structure is a representation of the round cosmos, with all of Its sacredness and beauty built in. Therefore, a structure can be built out of cement, tarpaper or earth and still be a ho^an - Its only criterion is to be round and to have been blessed during construction. The hocjan retains its sacredness even during its mundane use, which comprises most of its occupation and describes most of the activities performed inside. However, within the mundane there is a special property, a spirituality that transcends everyday life and needs. This can be seen in the way the dwelling is divided into male and female space, just as the cosmos is also divided (Kent, 1984). The first hocjan was originally built by the Holy People, made of turquoise, white shell, jet, or abalone shell (Kluckhohn and Leighton). In the hogan, east is associated with Dawn, west with Yellow-evenmg-light, south with Day Sky, and north with Darkness or Night (Reichard). The hogan is praised in the Blessingway-the most important of all Navajo ceremonies. The hogan is where harmony exists; the hogan is where beauty walks.
    In both the hogan and the cosmos, the four cardinal directions are consecrated with cornmeal particularly during the construction of a new hogan, a process that is filled with ritual. At that time, songs and prayers are presented to the four holy directions where corn pollen is sprinkled (Frisbie and McAllester). The dedication of a new hogan is extremely elaborate, and includes prayers to Sky, Earth and Rain, all of which are necessary to have happiness in the new dwelling (Reichard).
    The house blessing (part of the Blessingway) is the initial rite of all ceremonies and consists of laying new oak sprigs in the hogan walls at the cardinal directions, sprinkling them with cornmeal, and singing or chanting (Reichard). The importance of women in matrilineal Navajo society can be seen by the mythical Holy People who are associated with each direction in the hogan. As dictated in the all-important Blessingway, the hogan east post is that of Earth Woman, the south that of a Mountain Woman, the west that of Water Woman, and the north that of Corn Woman (Kluckhohn and Leighton). As the house blessing is a requisite of any curing or other ritual, as one part of the all-important Blessingway, all ceremonies must be performed in a hogan (some Navajos inhabiting rectangular Euro-american style houses built by the Bureau of Indian Affairs maintain a hogan just for ceremonies).
    As is the cosmos, so must be the hogan. During everyday use, male space and female space in the hogan are conceptually partitioned; no physical divisions or boundaries exist, any more than any exist in the Nava]o cosmos This conceptual division can be found in the way the universe is put together such as with male rain and female rain The conceptual rather than physical spatial boundary is consistent with the amount of seg mentation in their sociopolitical organization The northern half of the hogan is primarily used bv females and the southern half by males The hotjan opening must always be towards the east to greet the rising sun, an area associated with things sacred Guests (e g shamans or 'singers' as they often are translated into English) are seated in the western portion of the fioijan opposite to the entrance which is conceptually the place of honour I he proper wa> of moving around m the hocjaii is to go in a clockwise direction starting with the east and moving to the south west and north This movement corresponds to the movement of the sun (Pinxten etal )
    Navajos occupy the hoijün during the winter, but during the summer the\ occupy a rectangular, and usually more ephemeral, dwelling called a ramada There are no physical par titions in either structure, both are one-room buildings Both are used for the same domestic activities by the same people However, the ramada is not conceptually partitioned while the ho^an IS (Kent 1982) The reason is that the hotjan is considered to be sacred and the rectangular ramada is not Such a belief indicates that Navajos not only use conceptual boundaries to define and differentiate female space from male space, but they use the physical walls of the ho(jan to demarcate sacred space inside the hoijan from non-sacred space everywhere else (Kent, 1982) As a consequence healing ceremonies can occur only in the sacred hocjan and never in a profane ramada Another common practice segregates a space in the hogan for high status individuals, such as visiting shamans, important strangers, or chiefs (western portion of the hogan, next to the conceptual boundary between male- and female-space) It is important to note that the Navajos do not have other physical or conceptual partitioning nor do they use function-specific loci.

    Navajo hogan_szov1934_36.txt


    Haida hosszúház / Haida Longhouse






    1813. oldal. Kwakiutl: 1817. oldal!

    http://goo.gl/maps/x60A
    http://goo.gl/maps/cV8sM

    Kasaan:
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kasaan,_Alaska
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kaigani_Haida
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Howkan_Alaska_Hegg.jpg

    Rajzzal: http://kavilco.com/pdf%20forms/07.03.07%20Architectural%20Narrative.pdf


    A haida hosszúházak négyzet alaprajzúak. Száz éve még talán állt belőlük pár, ma már nem épülnek, inkább csak rekonstruálják őket.

    Források:


    Kortárs haida szobrászat, Bill Reid:
    Bill Reid honlap

    3 VI 2 f Haida (Queen Charlotte islands)
    Inhabited seven to ten thousand years ago, the Queen Charlotte Islands off the coast of British Columbia, Canada are home to the Haida Indians Geologists determined the islands to be part of the tertiary coastal range originally located in the South Pacific, but pushed northwards by shifting continental plates No glaciation occurred on the islands and consequentíy unique plant and animal life inhabit its terrain
    Six thousand Haida Indians inhabited the islands when the first European, Spanish explorer Juan Perez Hernandez, arrived in 1774 Spiritual and material pressures from exposure to
    European culture disrupted the Haida's balanced way of life nearly to extinction European-introduced diseases and weapons reduced the tribe's population to 558 in 1915 The population has since tripled
    Haida, which means 'people', are of Skittagetan linguistic stock (Denver Art Museum, 1936), and subsisted as fishermen, hunters and gatherers Their isolation resulted in singular development by the Haida, known to be the best canoe-builders and the most sophisticated in the development of Northwest Coast Indian Art (Holm) 1 heir mortuary poles are unique, as are their carvings in the grey-black slate-hke stone known as aigillite'
    The Haida believed then land to be supported by a supernatural being-Sacred One StandingandMoving-who supports a cosmic tree containing earth Tangible and mythical animals and sea creatures along with their spirit counterparts composed the thematic and symbolic elements in Haida art and architecture The Eagle and the Raven, the two primary clans (or moieties) to which the Haida belonged, are reflected in their totems and art
    Ihe plank house embodies several layers of symbolism A manifestation of the cosmos, a lineage house also identifies the ancestral clan group entry symbolizes ascent from the profane to the spiritual world of ancestors Gable-roofed with the short side facing the water, houses were sited, or aligned according to social rank, with the village chief's house at the centre Facing a thin strand of beach and bordering forests, a sophisti-
    cated system of axes linked house and village to the supernatural worlds The axes intersected at the house pit (da), which was the centre of each lineage's world and the focus of ritual ceremonies
    'The Haida built two types of house differing mainlv in the approach to construction, rather than in the character of the finished house ' (MacDonald) The first type is a simple post and beam structure, the second relies heavily on joinery, resulting in stronger structures with more interior space The second housetype developed later, primarily in the southern villages, possibly influenced by joinery seen on European ships
    The post and beam structure also referred to as a 'two-beam house', roughly 12 m (40 ft) square, is found on Prince of Wales Island in southeast Alaska The second housetype, referred to as a six-beam house', was innovated by the Haida and unique to the Queen Charlottes It integrates the structure through mortise and tenon joints Four slotted and notched corner-posts receive the bottom plate and the sloping roof plate beam Vertical planks fit into gable and base plate slots often steam-bent to weathertight the side walls The roof is supported by angled gable plates at each end, corner-posts and six stout log beams with flat undersides
    Houses were built of red cedar using axes and wedges to make corner-posts, support beams and various sized planks Other construction tools included adzes, mauls, chisels, wooden hammers, shell, horn or nephrite (jade) blades and sharkskin for sandpaper Extensive use of metal tools was employed after the arrival of Europeans
    The house was constructed with great care and precision, with attention to a building order and regard for symbolic alignments A potlatch celebrated the completion of the house in the final act of erecting the carved frontal pole which bore the crests earned or inherited by the house family 1 he house was entered through a low entrance 'hole' in the stomach of the crest animal carved at the base of the frontal pole support 1 his support function was later revised, possibly with the introduction of hinged doors, and poles were placed in front of the house
    The interior of the house was organized around the centre open hearth at which a fire continuously burned The house, about 15 m (50 ft) long, encompassed in an open plan kitchen, dining area, bedchambers, storage space, workshop and a shed for the canoe Sleeping compartments reflected the rank of the inhabitants with the chief's compartment located at the centre back of the house 1 he chief's seat, a legless bench, provided the only typical furmtuie Carved and painted chests stacked in a corner stored winter provisions, hunting and fishing equipment Painted ceremonial screens formed a sacred compartment during ceremonies Parts of the house, including the front, were sometimes though not always, decorated or carved I hough dates are speculative, internal screens and house door poles were described by the Europeans in 1790
    Of the 34 villages along the coast in 1774, only Masset and Skidegate survived. The village of Masset, or 'White Slope', in the north Queen Charlottes built the largest recorded Haida house in about 1850 Known as Chief Weah's 'Monster House' or 'Neuwons' it employed two thousand people to build the
    17 m (55 ft) square house in an eiglit-beam system ratlier titan the typical six. In 1979 the Haida lineage house was built at Masset as a synthesis of traditional and adopted customs.
    Ninstints, or 'Red Cod Island Town', located on the eastern shore of the small Anthony Island, thrived in the 1830s with over 300 inhabitants. It was abandoned in the 1880s as was Skedans, and survivors of the villages moved to Skidegate or 'Place of Stones'. Presently in its process of natural decay, Ninstints was designated as a 'World Heritage Site' in 1981.
    White man's first contact with Skidegate was in 1787: the population diminished in the 1860s and by 1884 the old houses were down or in ruins; the village adopted the ways of European settlers. Built by the Haida band council, the recently constructed Council House at Skidegate illustrates a resurgence of Haida culture. A traditional six-beam house, it introduces a glass facade and reinterprets the hearth through the design of a metal lighting hood and conference table, presenting a fusion of tradition and modernity in Haida architecture.

    Haida_longhouse_szov1813_15.txt

    3 VI 2.1 KwakiutI (BCO)
    The Kwakiud live on northeastern Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada, and on the adjacent mainland. They have sometimes been called the 'Southern Kwakiud' and in the iggos have been disdnguished as the 'Kwakwaka'wakw', the 'speakers of Kwak'wala language', following the transcription of the U'mista Cultural Centre. Their territory includes dense rain forest in a climate kept temperate by the Japanese Current; winters are mild and summers moist. In this setting, special skill and technology in the handling of wood continue to be integral to the culture.
    Of all the trees available, the most important is the red cedar (Thuja plicata). Straight-grained, its loose, cellular structure creates air spaces, giving it better insulating propertíes than hardwoods. Though not as strong, it is considerably lighter. Most significant, the easily opened cleavage planes allow it to
    be readily split, and the wood has thujaplicin, a toxic oil that acts as a fungicide to resist rot in the damp climate. From red cedar, KwakiutI past and present build the traditional rectangular cedar plank 'big house', or longhouse as some popular literature has termed it. Until the early-20th century this was the standard structure for living, eating and sleeping in as well as for ceremonies, but in recent years both old and newly constructed big houses are used primarily for ceremonies.
    20th-century ceremonial big houses are based on any of several models current since the late-igth century. Most are 12-18 m (40-60 ft) long, rectangular, built with the narrower gabled side facing a transporation route, and the door in the centre. In some the transportation route includes, as it did traditionally, the water, as well as a road, but often in the 20th-century houses the road provides the major orientation. One housetype has four central posts, a pair near the front and a pair near the rear, each supporting a crossbeam. Two longitudinal beams, making a double ridge-pole, rest on the crossbeams. At each side, three smaller posts support an eaves beam. A second type has three central posts, a large one at the rear and a pair of smaller ones at the front, only the doorway width apart, holding up a short crossbeam. A single ridge-pole rests on the top of the rear pole and on the crossbeam. As in the first type, there are six side posts and two eaves beams. In a third model there are only two central posts with the ridge-pole directly on them. With all three types there are rafters and stringers holding the roof planks, which run from ridge-pole to eaves, interlocking like tiles. In the front and rear there are vertical poles fastened to the rafters and serving to hold the wall planks. The front and rear wall planks are set into a sill, with the side wall planks set directiy into the ground, their top ends fitted into the eaves
    beams (Codere) With the development of sawmills in the area since the late-igth century, many houseřront facades are of sawn lumber nailed on horizontally rather than fastened vertically, the large, relatively smooth area this produces is particularly suitable for the painting of family crest designs directly onto the surface By the turn of the centurv glass windows began to appear in the front walls of some houses Yet other houses were framed, but in traditional proportions As with the more fully traditional big houses, these innovative versions served not only as domestic housing but also as ceremonial structures, with the removal of interior partitions and furniture After the first quarter of the 20th century, depending on village location, nuclear family domestic housing of light frame construction became more common Ultimately, as old big houses decayed, it became desirable to construct new ones for ceremonial purposes, from Mungo Martin's in Victoria m 1953, continuing into recent times with the opening of Tony Hunt's big house at Ft Rupert in 1992 A freestanding carved memorial pole may stand outside near the house entrance, again depict-mgcrests.

    Haida_Kwakiut_szov1817_18.txt


    2011. március 10., csütörtök

    Ndebele ház / Ndebele House



    Dekorációról: 577. oldal.

    A színes ndebele törzs Dél-Afrikából.

    Több ház néz egy közös udvarra, a ház oldalsó és hátsó falai egyszerűbb színezést kaptak, az udvar felőli homlokzat volt a legdíszesebb. A falak festésénél nem használtak semmiféle szerkesztő eszközt, kézzel festették a geometriai formákat használó díszítést. A ndebele törzs családokból épül. A családok régebben a kör alakú épületet használták mindennapi teendőjükhöz, ott főztek, aludtak, stb. Külön helye volt a férfiaknak és a nőknek. Manapság csak a hagyományos szertartásokhoz használják a köralakú épületet. Az épület 6-8 méter átmérőjű kör fallal határolt, anyaga fonott növényi vázra tapasztott sár/tehéntrágya.

    Források:
    kép1, kép2, kép3, kép4, kép5, kép6
    ndebele kultúráról,
    itt is,
    itt is
    a házfestésről

    Őry Balázs

    1vii5b-i Facades: Ndebele
    An Nguni group of South-central Africa, the Southern Ndebele live in the southern and eastern Transvaal in the vicinity of Pretoria and Magdeburg. Formerly known by the Boers as the Mapog (M'pogga) they are farmers and pastoral-ists, who locate their houses on elevated sites and northern, sun-facing slopes where this is possible.
    Though earlier houses built under Pedi influence were circular in plan the Ndebele soon adopted a rectangular form with a front courtyard, (lapa) surrounded bya wall, 1.5 m (5 ft) ormore in height. The lapa is divided between a front reception area and a rear cooking area. The house is constructed of poles and a lattice work of branches, mud-packed and plastered. The men construct the roof but the rest of the building and the painting is done by the women. The houses are the right and property of the women and are permitted to collapse with their death.
    Clay benches are built along the walls of the house and are double-tiered in the front. An imposing gateway is built, frequently bridged or with the gateposts capped and moulded. The interior faces of the front lapa and inner lapa walls are painted grey with a chevron pattern of white lines. The principal surfaces for decorative painting are the walls facing the
    front, including that of tiic house and the front lapa wall on which are displayed a bold and dramatic art.
    It is likely that the style of painting for which the Ndebele are famed commenced around 1940, probably under the original influence of the Sotho whose painted litema (furrowed) decorations were symmetrical and sometimes used playing card motifs or hearts, clubs and diamonds on shield patterns. Walls were often outlined in thick black lines, and in some, the 'centripetal' designs, the shapes encroached on a white space from the surrounds. Ndebele women used natural earth colours and clays, including raw and burnt sienna. Black was obtained from clay and soot or stove black, white from slaked lime, a range of blues from earths and a strong hue from the use of Reckitts Blue, a brand of colouring added to the laundry to 'whiten' it.
    The motifs used by the Ndebele women slowly changed over a half century. In the late 19403 the designs largely comprised stepped motifs which related to the patterns on their white leather cape decorations. Body ornaments and bead decorations on clothing may all have influenced these earlier patterns. By the 1950s gables and pediments from Pretoria buildings were incorporated on the walls of houses nearer the city, including the minarets and dome of the Indian mosque, and the stars and crescents of its decoration (Meiring). 20 years later in the 1970s the former so-called 'archaic' style still existed, but houses, steps, flowers and telegraph poles were incorporated into some designs (Spence and Biermann).
    A woman normally paints after the birth of the first child, but under her mother's guidance. The purchase of matching clothing after decorating the house, emphasizes both its expression of her role and her domestic pride. Walls are painted approximately every two years and become more individual in the process, so that with the next generation of daughters some progression in design is evident.
    The importance of a strict symmetry as well as a hierarchy of main house to lesser buildings, or the balance between the houses of two wives in polygamous families, and the functions of architectural space in large complexes built in the 1950s, was recorded in the late 1970s. High levels of painting skills were evident, as were the intrusions of veranda details, Moroccan motifs, and even jet planes (Rich).
    It has been argued that the paintings represented a form of implicit black political protest during the apartheid period (Frescura). With the establishment of the KwaNdebele Homeland in 1975 the tradition began to decline as Ndebele moved from former locations and some of the most remarkable painted houses were allowed to collapse.

    Ndebele_szov577_78.txt

    2011. március 7., hétfő

    Skót "fekete házak" / Black Houses, Scotland



    A Skót Felföldön épített kőházak a tájkép szerves részei. Az épületek neve ("black house") nem a homlokzatra, a több évszázad alatt befeketedett kövekre utal. A legalább 150 évvel ezelőtt épített tradicionális kőházakban az emberek és a jószágaik egy épületben éltek, az egyik végén a "lakás", a másik végén az "istálló" helyezkedett el (ez hasonlít a magyar népi építészetben a magyar tornácos ház és a mezőgazdasági építmények lineáris elrendezésére). A két helyiséget általában csak egy egyszerű nádból készült "válaszfal" határolta le. A beszélő nevet akkor kapták, mikor az 1800-as években olyan - szintén kőből épült - építmények is megjelentek a Skót Felföldön, amelyekben az állatok és az emberek szeparált épületrészekben tartózkodtak. Ez volt az ún. "white house" amivel ellentébe állítva kapták a "black house" elnevezést az említett épületek.
    A ház falai gyakorlatilag "maghőszigeteltként" épültek: két réteg szárazon rakott kőfal között rést hagytak, melyet sárral és földdel tömtek ki. A tető a belső falrétegre támasztott szarufákra rakott vastag zsúpfedésből állt, melyet az erős szelek miatt a legtöbbször kövekkel terheltek le a széleken. Kémény nem volt az épületeken, a döngölt földpadlón rakott tűz füstje a tetőn keresztül jutott ki. Az épületek jellemzően nem voltak nagyobbak egy magyar háromosztatú parasztháznál. Egyes "black house"-okban még az 1970-es években is éltek, sok ma is jó állapotban van, esetleg múzeumként felújítva látogatható.

    Források:
    http://www.isle-of-lewis.com/history/blackhouses.htm

    Viszoki Csaba

    2.Ill 8.J Orkney (Scotland, North Sea Is)
    Orkney is the southernmost of the two archipelagos forming the northern isles of Scotland. The archipelago measures 92 km (57 mi), north to south, by 44 km (27 mi), east to west.
    The distance from the Scottish mainland is only 10 km (6 mi) and the original inhabitants are from the same stock as colonized Britain. The Vikings set up settlements from the 6th century and by 1098 the Norse influence was such that the Earls of Orkney swore allegiance to the Norwegian Crown. Norse dominance continued until 1468 when James III of Scotland married Margaret of Denmark. The dowry was 60000 florins: 2000 florins in currency, Orkney valued at 50000 florins, and Shetland at 8000. The Danes intended to redeem the territories but this did not happen. The isles were administered as a stew-ardry, then as two counties and recently as two regional island councils.
    Orkney is a fertile area, the economy based on mixed farming, fishing and trade. Its position, with Shetland, separates the North Sea from the Atlantic Ocean, a little north of Skagerrak and the entrance to the Baltic Sea. Traders wishing to travel by sea between north and south Europe, avoiding the English Channel, had to pass through or round the northern isles.
    The Orkney landscape is virtually treeless and the geological base is mainly sandstone in the form of flagstone, which is exposed at many places round the coastline and can be quarried using the simplest of levers. Abundant supplies of readily available flagstone, at an important crossroads, have resulted in Orkney having some of the oldest dwelling houses in Europe. Masonry walled houses, now roofless but otherwise complete, with stone slab furnishings and internal partitions have been excavated at a number of sites, most notably Knap of Ilowar, Papa Westray, 3600-3100 BC, and Skara Brae on mainland Orkney, 3100-2500 bc.
    The surviving i8th and 19th century vernacular buildings on Orkney have many details in common with these neolithic
    houses but the plan forms are quite different. The later plan forms, like their relatives in northern Scodand, the Hebrides, Shetland and western Norway are derived from housetypes introduced by Viking settlers. In their simplest form they comprise room, kitchen and byre in a single volume measuring 22 m (72 ft) X 5 m (16 ft); they are open to the apex of the roof with minimal rooflights lighting the interior. According to i8th-centur)' descriptions farmhouses were largely built of turf and the internal space was subdivided by pieces of furniture.
    The present survivals of this building type are all masonry structures not dissimilar to the turf structures of the i8th century. In smaller houses, the room, kitchen and byre are divided by masonry gables. The kitchen is further subdivided by the backstone to the hearth, the kitchen remaining on the hearth side of the backstone: the scullery, with the smoke-hole for the fire, on the other side. In larger houses, the backstone becomes an internal gable. The north wall of the kitchen often contains a number of bedshots with flagstone fronts and curtained openings. Larger houses have additional byres, stable, barn, corn kiln, chaulmer, implements store and outhouses added in linear form or in parallel ranges with mutual walls.
    In the treeless landscape, structural timber was always in short supply. Driftwood was used as were substitutes including whalebone, flagstone and simmons (straw or heather rope). Flagstone was used structurally. Closely spaced simmons were used running from eaves to eaves over the ridge and purlins to form an inclined deck. Both flagstone and simmons
    decks were thatched with straw or turf, held in place with yet more closely spaced simmons weighted with flagstone at the eaves. When flagstones were used the pitch was often very low - 15° to 20°; with closely spaced simmons, the pitch is usually between 40° and 50°.

    2 III 8 j-i Shetland (North Sea is; Scotland)
    The Shetland Isles are a compact group, no km (70 mi) north to south and 60 km (37 mi) east to west. Two islands lie outside this main group: Foula, 28 km (17 mi) to the west and Fair Isle, 32 km (20 mi) to the south, almost half way between Sumburgh Head at the south end of Shetland and North Ronaldsay, Orkney. The main town is Lerwick which is closer to Bergen in Norway than to the mainland of Scodand.
    The Shedand landscape is generally less ferule and more mountainous than Orkney, while the coastíine is more rocky with dramatic cliffs and distant views. The geology is also quite different, only Sumburgh having easily quarried sandstone.
    The vernacular buildings of Shedand developed in a similar way to those of Orkney although the archaeological survival rate is less spectacular. Jarlshof on the sandstone promontory at Sumburgh is the excepdon with almost complete buildings dating from 2400 BC to the medieval period. The Viking houses are less complete than the earlier and later buildings and appear to have been constructed of alternaring layers of stone and turf surrounding a timber-framed and lined carcass.
    Timber-lined buildings faced externally with turf were still to be found in the early years of the 20th century. These were similar in form to the Norse-style houses in Iceland such as the Stong farmhouse, to Viking House No. 6 at Jarlshof and to a Viking house recentíy excavated at Papa Stour. Shedand has the same scarcity of timber as described in Orkney - the umbers for the houses being imported from Norway from the first Viking setdements until the i6th century when Earl Patrick commandeered the ships involved in the trade. Timber boats were suU being imported in the 19th century. Like the buildings, these arrived in kit form and were assembled in Shedand.
    The igth-centuiy vernacular buildings are generally masonry walled and similar in plan form to Orkney longhouses. The basic house comprised a room, kitchen and byre but was generally higher in the walls and steeper in roof pitch than its Orkney counterpart, and was thatched. The elements of the plan are separated by masonry gables, the roof stepping down from house to byre at the appropriate gable. The kitchen also often has a parual loft. The ancillary buildings can be at right angles or parallel to the house, often with mutual walls or narrow passageways.

    Scotland black_szov1393_94.txt

    2011. március 6., vasárnap

    Csukcs jaranga / Chukchi Yaranga




    Csukcsföld Oroszország legtávolabbi csücske, még a gulagokon is túl. Ott laknak a csukcsok, akik halásznak, vadásznak és sátorszerű lakokban laknak. Kétféle jaranga ismert, a téli és a nyári. A képen a nyári, könnyen felállítható típus látható, amelynek szerkezete (eredetileg) fából készült háromlábakból, gerendákból és szarufákból áll, ezeket összekötözik, és rénszarvasbőrrel borítják. Családok lakják.

    A csukcs sátor is kétféle lehet. A másik állandóbb jellegű, s a tundrán készül. A megkívánt kör alaprajz kerületén cölöpöket rögzítenek a talajba és koszorúgerendázattal látják el. Középre nagy faoszlopot állítanak. A faoszlop és a koszorúgerendák között kúp alakot eredményező szarufákat rögzítenek körben. Az alaprajz külső peremén ezután gyeptéglábólfalat raknak a szilárdítás és a nagyobb légzárás kedvéért. Ezután a vázat leterítik rénszarvasbőrből összevarrt takaróval, s kötelekkel, szíjakkal az egészet rögzítik - ahogy Istvánfi tanár úr írja.

    Ahogy a téli szállások közötti kapcsolat kimutatható a csukcsok, a korjákok, de akár az eszkimók és több észak-amerikai intián törzs esetében, úgy láthatók a rokonságok a nyári szállások esetében is. A csukcs jaranga, a számi vagy korják sátor, az indián tipi egész biztosan rokonok, de többé-kevésbé a különféle jurták is ide sorolhatók.


    Források:
    Csukcsföld
    Csukcsok
    a jaranga
    család a ház előtt
    csukcsok kultúrája és építészete oroszul, több részben
    mindent a csukcsokról
    egy másik háztípus
    a másik háztípushoz tartozó gyerek
    egy vicces csukcs família
    Csuk és Mak a Wang folyó verseiből

    Jancsó Miklós

    2 11b Chukchi (Siberian pen ne Chukotskiy)
    Ihe Chukchi live in Northeast Asia in the Chukot-skiy autonomous area (okruq) of the Magadan region In terms of settlement and economic-cultural type they split into two groups the nomadic itindeer herdsmen of the tundia and the settled sea hunters of the coast and river-banks
    In former times the tundra Chukchi were nom idic reindeer farmers Thev had no permanent setdements and lived in nomad camps using tents and a portable dwelling - yarariija or yaraiiy which IS a cvhndrical-conical, unlatticed frame dwelling I hose of the reindeer herdsmen were portable while those of the sea hunters were permanent Fhe frame consisted of vertical poles placed m a circle In the portable yaranga the poles formed a tripod bound together with thongs, while m the permanent yaratiija thev were fastened togethei in alternating pairs bv diagonal crosspieces The tops of the verncal uprights or tripod were fastened to horizontal poles in the form ofa hoop and to this were fastened the poles foi the conical roofing, criss-crossing one another In the permanent dwelling they rested on a central support either with the poles criss-crossing at the top or with the top ends of the three poles fast-ened together The poles formed a conical roof which was somenmes reinforced with a hoop supported on inclined poles Ihe top cone of the yaranga was sometimes shghtlv ofF-centre
    The frame of the yaranga was covered with reindeei hides 01 walrus skins and in the summer with tarpaulin and was bound around on the outside with straps held down by stones.
    A low wall of turf and stones was heaped round the lower part of the frame of the permanent yaranga at the base and around the entrance, which was sealed with a sheet of leather or a wooden door onl\ when there was a blizzard
    Three or four fur inside-tents (polo^) divided the interior into separate box-like compartments to accommodate newly-wed couples or parents and children Heating w as bv seal-oil lamps used as stoves I he inside tents were held up with the help of rods on a horizontal bai lunning to the back wall There v\as an open fire in the cold front part of the yaranga
    The settled Chukchi lived in a frame dwelling which was sometimes dug i-i 5 m (3-5 ft) into the ground 1 he frame v\as made of whalebone or the bones of othei marine creatures and was called a vallaran meaning home made from the jaws of the whale In plan it was roughh square with a circular base and a spherical roof made from whale ribs and covered with turf grass and earth 1 he f^ooi was strev\ n with bones In the centre there was an open hre on a stone hearth or a large seal-oil lamp There were laised plank beds round the walls with fur inside-tents and oil stoves for heating Close up against this the Chukchi built an ancillary structuic a kind of domestic entrance hall (cliottyijyii) fiom which an underground passage led into the dwelling I hcic wcic two ways into the dwelling one through the roof foi summer use and one by the tunnel-passage, forwintcrust In the 19th century this sort of dwelling could be anvthing up to 25 m x 15 m (82 ft x 50 ft) in area and house an entire extended faniih Later ones were smaller 4 3 m X 4 3 m (14 ft X 14 ft) A similar tvpe of dwelling was built out of driftwood I he frame comprised 4-16 poles at the corners, sides and centre
    All these dwellings were still m use m the 1950-60S Now standardized prefabricated frame and panel houses are being built as well in the settlements iiid also for the families of the reindeer herdsmen who work under a svstem of industiial nomadicity Ihc) use fui tents instead of yaratiija in the winter and tarp uilin ones in summer
    In the summer the settled ( luikchi live in square pole-framed stiuetuics with a monopiteh roof covered with reindeer skins I he frame is made using three high coiner-poles with a central pole in the front will and three shoi ter poles in the rear wall tntry IS by folding back the covering.

    Chukchi Yaranga_szov840_41.txt

    Izlandi gyepházak / Traditional Turf Houses, Iceland



    A sajátos izlandi időjárás alakította földdel-gyeppel burkolt házak. Falai kőből, fából készültek. A hagyományos típusaiban helye volt az állatoknak, az embernek is külön-külön. főzőhelyiséggel, padokkal, ágyakkal, jellemzően egy légtérben. Egyetlen nyílása a bejárati ajtó volt, illetve még egy füstlyuk szolgált a füst elvezetésére a belső tűzrakóhely felett. A családfő és felesége számára egy szekrényszerű lakószoba épült belül. A ház sokszor a föld alá is befutott, kihasználva a terep adottságait, így viszonylag nagy területen nyúlt el egy-egy ilyen ház. A gyepház 1-2 méter vastag falai 3-4 méter széles, és 10-12 méter hosszú belső teret zártak körül. A linkek között található példa 28 méter hosszú házra is.

    Források:
    technikák, szerkezet, külső, belső

    Őry Balázs

    2 III 8 c Faeroese (North Sea Is)
    The Faeroes (Foroyar) (62°N, 7°W) are situated between Iceland and Scotland The average temperature for July IS about 10 °C (50°F) and for January about 4 °C (39 °F) The 18 rocky islands - besides small islets and skerries - are of volcanic origin and composed of strata of basalt and tuff The
    highest mountain is 882 m (2893 ft) Grass grows on the mountainsides and in the valleys, and, from the earliest times, sheep have grazed freely on the outfields, which has influenced the vegetation
    The Faeroes were setded in Viking times by people from Norway, who, in the course of time, developed their own cultural characteristics and the Faeroese language From the time of the earliest settlement (landnam), the economic base has been a combination ofagriculture fishery and other natural resources such as whales, seals and birds In certain respects the islanders were self-sufficient and also able to export goods dried fish, wool, and, after the 19th century also split cod Apart from driftwood, all timber was imported
    People lived in villages, where the houses were built on a selected open place (lieimrust) A village was characterized by its cultivated infields and uncultivated outfields, clearly divided by a stone wall, which nowadays is often replaced bv a wire fence Cattíe grazed on the outfields m summer and were stall-fed in winter The sheep were outside all the year round
    From the middle of the 19th century, Faeroese split cod came onto the world market This economic upturn brought about changes in style ofbuilding and the cultural landscape In most of the big villages large areas were paved with flat stones for drying the fish Warehouses and landing stages also became part of the shore architecture
    Ihe traditional Faeroese agriculture was spade-husbandrv without the use of ploughs A particular cultural characteristic of the old infields, which has now disappeared in the big villages, IS the narrow strips of land bounded by ditches (teyal endi) Characteristic of the outfields are the dry stone boundaiy walls and the walls built in the shape of a horseshoe (bol or itipoa) as shelters for the sheep in bad weather Several times a year the sheep were driven into folds which resembled the shelters (bol) but were larger Many old sheepfolds can still be seen Peat was cut in the outfields and the dried peat was stored in a kroiju a structure of piled-up stones, which when it was full was covered with turf and stones Often several of these shelters for storing turf lay side by side, resembling graves
    Ihere have been three main types of dwelling house in the Faeroc Islands Ihe first was the longhouse of Viking times with Its fireplace in the centre, and this was followed by the second type, the traditional Faeroese roykstoua (literally, 'smoke room'), a wooden stave structure with outer walls built of stone This style of building is found in the oldest of the Faeroese wooden churches Intime one or more of the outer stone walls was replaced by wooden boarding Sleeping accommodation consisted of bunks that utilized the hollow space, right out to the outer stone wall In the i8th century another room (glasstova) was added to the roykstoua In contrast to the roykstoua, which only had an opening in the roof to let smoke out and light in, the^lasstoua had windows in one side The economic advances in the 19th century allowed the big farmers to add more livmg-rooms and bedrooms to their original roykstoua These were mainly for entertaining visitors and indicated a certain social standing
    At the end of the 19th century, a new, third type of house replaced the old traditional house It was a three-storey house

    with a basement tliat was used as a byre, for storage and so on, a first floor with two main rooms and a bedroom, and a second floor with two or more bedrooms. These houses varied in size, and in the most prestigious the outer walls were continued upwards to allow attics to be made. Three-storey houses form the core of many older villages. A great variety of houses have come since World War 11, both standard types of houses and individually designed houses.
    A number of outbuildings formed part of the traditional Faeroese house or farm: a byre, and buildings for storing hay and for dr>'ing meat. Most of these were stave-built structures in which the roof was made of rafters and covered with turf but roofs with horizontal beam structures were found on simpler structures. The byre might be a simple freestanding building, but in the traditional Faeroese house the byre was built as an extension of the roykstoua. Where the building site was suitable, the byre could be in the basement of the house. Hay was stored in a large stack (des), but there were also special buildings for the storage of hay. These are probably fairly recent. A special outbuilding (hjaliur) was used for drying and storing food. The outbuilding for drying corn (sornhus) was usually shared by the whole village or part of the village. Buildings to house hens and geese were often very simple structures. In some places potatoes were stored in a special building (epiahus), which was built of earth and stone and had a door that closed tightly so that the potatoes would be protected from frost.
    Boats were kept in boathouses (neyst). These were built of stone and had roofs made of rafters covered with turf Boathouses were usually built adjacent to one another, and at times were so low that the gable had to be removed in order to get the boat out.
    Some outbuildings were situated close to the house, but they could also be quite a long way from the house. This was particularly the case with buildings in which food was dried and stored. These were situated in the most suitable places for their function, and often outbuildings belonging to several different owners were gathered at the same place.

    Turf houses_szov1386_87.txt