2011. március 13., vasárnap

Navajo Hogan / Navajo hogan

A navajo indiánok több, egymáshoz hasonló típusú földházban laktak, főként Arizona államban. Voltak férfi és női házak, téli és nyári szállások, ez utóbbiak nem is házak, inkább fedett-nyitott építmények voltak, nevezték ramadának vagy shelternek is őket. Minden hogan fa gerenda tartószerkezettel és teljes vagy részleges föld borítással készült. Az épület padlóját más indián földházakkal ellentétben nem süllyesztették a terepszint alá. Alaprajza kör vagy sokszög alakú, átmérője általában 3-4 méter közötti, belső beosztása a jurtákhoz hasonlóan szigorúan szabályozott, bejárata mindig kelet felé tájolt. Középen, a füstlyuk alatt található a kályha. Energiamérlege, belső klímája a kis lehűlő felület és a nagy hőtehetetlenség következtében még a mai elvárások szerint is jónak mondható.

Window Rock rezervátum
belső kép 1
belső kép 2

Jancsó Miklós

alaprajz a dwellingben: 174. oldal

3.VI 7 h-i Navajo: Window Rock (az; nm)
The central Navajo Reservation, in the Chinle and Fort Defiance, Arizona, areas, and the Ramah Reserve in New Mexico, differ from the peripheral areas in carrying piflon and ponderosa pines and in having a longer history of Anglo-American acculturation (from 1846). These conditions resulted in new dwelling types (although those described above are also found in the central area).
Early in the 19th century, a few stacked-log hogans were built with cribbing (i.e. odd-riered logs) rather than even-nered corbelling. Logs were not notched (corner-timbered), but the
cribbing may still reflect influence from the New Mexico Hispanic cribbed-log tradition introduced early on from the IVlexi-can Sierra Madre, to which it had been imported by Silesian miners. With the availability of steel axes after i88i, and owing to Indian Agency encouragement of 'civilized' cribbed-log houses, in the i88os central Navajos began to build large corner-timbered, polygonal cribbed-log ho^ans, initially for ceremonies. By the mid-20th century, such si\- and eight-sided fio^jans were the most common dwellings in the central area. Single saddle-notching is the most usual among several styles of corner-timbering. Early roofs seem to have been flat, but cor-belled-log roofs soon replaced these, and in more recent times roll-roofing-covered board hipped roofs became usual.
From i88o, sawmills near Fort Defiance have supplied sawn boards, and by the 1920s some frame houses were being built nearby. In the 1930s, polygonal hoijons of lumber and nails began to appear, accelerated by Navajos' experiences in construction during World War II and becoming very common in the ig50s and igöos. Only the use of wood-burning stoves made these poorly insulated dwellings habitable in winter.
Although some hogans continue to be erected - mainly for ceremonial use and in more remote areas - the vast ma|ority of Navajo owner-built dwellings constructed since 1970 have been stuccoed frame houses, and commercially manufactured house trailers and modular houses have also become numerous. Clusters of federally subsidized, standardized, low-rent houses provided with utilities have been erected in many existing communities in recent decades (Jett and Spencer; Jett, 1987, 1992).
3 VI 7 h-ii Navajo: hogan symbolism
To the Navajo, their round winter dwelling made of wood and earth is much more than a house or even a home: the round structure is a representation of the round cosmos, with all of Its sacredness and beauty built in. Therefore, a structure can be built out of cement, tarpaper or earth and still be a ho^an - Its only criterion is to be round and to have been blessed during construction. The hocjan retains its sacredness even during its mundane use, which comprises most of its occupation and describes most of the activities performed inside. However, within the mundane there is a special property, a spirituality that transcends everyday life and needs. This can be seen in the way the dwelling is divided into male and female space, just as the cosmos is also divided (Kent, 1984). The first hocjan was originally built by the Holy People, made of turquoise, white shell, jet, or abalone shell (Kluckhohn and Leighton). In the hogan, east is associated with Dawn, west with Yellow-evenmg-light, south with Day Sky, and north with Darkness or Night (Reichard). The hogan is praised in the Blessingway-the most important of all Navajo ceremonies. The hogan is where harmony exists; the hogan is where beauty walks.
In both the hogan and the cosmos, the four cardinal directions are consecrated with cornmeal particularly during the construction of a new hogan, a process that is filled with ritual. At that time, songs and prayers are presented to the four holy directions where corn pollen is sprinkled (Frisbie and McAllester). The dedication of a new hogan is extremely elaborate, and includes prayers to Sky, Earth and Rain, all of which are necessary to have happiness in the new dwelling (Reichard).
The house blessing (part of the Blessingway) is the initial rite of all ceremonies and consists of laying new oak sprigs in the hogan walls at the cardinal directions, sprinkling them with cornmeal, and singing or chanting (Reichard). The importance of women in matrilineal Navajo society can be seen by the mythical Holy People who are associated with each direction in the hogan. As dictated in the all-important Blessingway, the hogan east post is that of Earth Woman, the south that of a Mountain Woman, the west that of Water Woman, and the north that of Corn Woman (Kluckhohn and Leighton). As the house blessing is a requisite of any curing or other ritual, as one part of the all-important Blessingway, all ceremonies must be performed in a hogan (some Navajos inhabiting rectangular Euro-american style houses built by the Bureau of Indian Affairs maintain a hogan just for ceremonies).
As is the cosmos, so must be the hogan. During everyday use, male space and female space in the hogan are conceptually partitioned; no physical divisions or boundaries exist, any more than any exist in the Nava]o cosmos This conceptual division can be found in the way the universe is put together such as with male rain and female rain The conceptual rather than physical spatial boundary is consistent with the amount of seg mentation in their sociopolitical organization The northern half of the hogan is primarily used bv females and the southern half by males The hotjan opening must always be towards the east to greet the rising sun, an area associated with things sacred Guests (e g shamans or 'singers' as they often are translated into English) are seated in the western portion of the fioijan opposite to the entrance which is conceptually the place of honour I he proper wa> of moving around m the hocjaii is to go in a clockwise direction starting with the east and moving to the south west and north This movement corresponds to the movement of the sun (Pinxten etal )
Navajos occupy the hoijün during the winter, but during the summer the\ occupy a rectangular, and usually more ephemeral, dwelling called a ramada There are no physical par titions in either structure, both are one-room buildings Both are used for the same domestic activities by the same people However, the ramada is not conceptually partitioned while the ho^an IS (Kent 1982) The reason is that the hotjan is considered to be sacred and the rectangular ramada is not Such a belief indicates that Navajos not only use conceptual boundaries to define and differentiate female space from male space, but they use the physical walls of the ho(jan to demarcate sacred space inside the hoijan from non-sacred space everywhere else (Kent, 1982) As a consequence healing ceremonies can occur only in the sacred hocjan and never in a profane ramada Another common practice segregates a space in the hogan for high status individuals, such as visiting shamans, important strangers, or chiefs (western portion of the hogan, next to the conceptual boundary between male- and female-space) It is important to note that the Navajos do not have other physical or conceptual partitioning nor do they use function-specific loci.

Navajo hogan_szov1934_36.txt

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