2011. február 28., hétfő

Kecsua ház Peruban / Quechua House, Peru

A falai jellemzően kőből, a tetőfedés szalmából készül. A quechuák kokacserjéből és egyéb gyűjtögetésből élnek, társadalmuk, hitük alapja a család. Egy-egy ilyen kunyhó a hegyvidéki vándorlás-gyűjtögetés alkalmával szolgálhat hajlékul. Valószínüleg időről időre az épület megújul, legalábbis tetejét cserélni kell. Alapterülete kb. 3 x 6 méter, ovális formájú. Egyetlen bejárattal, belül egy helyiséggel.

még egy quechua ház

Őry Balázs

3 V2 J Collasuyu Quechua (Argentina, n, Bolivia; Chile, n)
Collasuyu was the southernmost of the four kingdoms of the Inca empire (Taujontinsuyu) and covered what is nowadays the Andean area of Bolivia, as well as parts of northern Argentina and Chile. Quechua is the main language in highland Bolivia, especially the departments of Cochabamba, Chuquisaca and Potosi' and is spoken in the countryside and small towns. Monolingual Quechua speakers are referred to as campcsinos, the term 'Indian' having fallen from use since the revolution of 1952.
The Quechua-speaking region ranges from 4000 m (13 100 ft) to 1500 m (5000 ft) in altitude. The population depends on subsistence agriculture and livestock, mainly sheep and goats, which are grazed on common pastureland. The flat upland
pampas are relatively productive and are given over to potatoes, barley, wheat and broad beans; the lower slopes are typically poorer and are more subject to erosion. The most fertile areas are the irrigated valley bottoms which can produce two or three harvests a year; below 2800 m (9200 ft) maize becomes the principal crop, accompanied by peanuts, potatoes and a variety of vegetables and fruits.
Most rural settlements are dispersed or semi-dispersed, with the houses situated on or close to the permanently cultivated lands. Until the revolution of 1952 most of the land in highland Bolivia was divided into large estates, and the peasant farmers were obliged to carry out unpaid work in the landlord's house and fields. Most of the estate lands and houses have since been abandoned, but they often form the nucleus of the present-day communities. In recent years some communities have established nucleated setdements, mainly to avail themselves of a piped water supply, or occasionally electricit>', and to be near the village school or health post. Houses are usually occupied by a nuclear family, which may be extended to include an aged relative or a recendy married son, or perhaps daughter, spouse and small children.
In the upland areas a house is usually surrounded by a high wall, 2.5 m (8 ft) in height, and comprises two or three separate rooms, each of about 3 m x 4 m (10 ft x 13 ft), facing inwards into a small courtyard. One or two of the rooms will be used as sleeping accommodation and the others as storage space, for tools, grain and potatoes. A kitchen is also located within the courtyard, although it may be no more than a roof over the hearth.
The walls are all built of adobes or of rough stone laid with mud-mortar, and the top of the outer wall is covered with straw or branches (uiaylla) to protect it from rain. In some houses the walls are plastered and in others the adobe or rough stone is left exposed. In southern I'otosi there are more regularly finished stone walls, slates being used to give the walls a smooth exterior. The roofs are thatched, using grass (ichu) or branches (sunchu) or, in the more prosperous villages, covered with fired tiles; the thatch or tiling is laid over a framework ofcanes and in some cases there is a false ceiling of cloth. The floors are typically of beaten earth, cobblestones or slates.
On the lower slopes of the valleys the houses are adapted to the warmer conditions and to the steep terrain. The patio is often built up with as much as i m (3 ft) of dry stones and rather than being surrounded by high walls, the house looks out over
the valley Attheback there is an open room up to lo m (33 ft) in length, used to receive visitors and for sleeping in warm weather In some areas particularly where rural communities have regrouped into nucleated settlements development agencies have promoted an uiban stvle of housing, with hred bricks and tin fibro-cement or tiled roofs and glass windows Ivpicallv, these houses comprise only one or two rooms and the> lack the privacy of the traditional constructions indeed, in some cases the new constructions have simply been used for storage while the families continue to live in their old houses.


Maja ház / Traditional Mayan House

A maja kultúra hagyományos lakóháza Guatemalában - agyaggal tapasztott sövényfal, nádfedél. A ház 7 x 2-3 méter, a belső tér kb. 14 m2 ovális alapterületű. Egy bejárattal, nyílások nélkül.

Keserű Balázstól:
asszonyok munkában

Őry Balázs, Keserű Balázs

3 V 8 J Maya (Guatemala, Yucatan)
Ihe vernacular Mayan house of the Yucatan peninsula constitutes the oldest housing protot\'pe in the American continent, its histon goes back more than twenn' centuries and over that time has not essentially changed
The Mayan settlement system in classical times had two basic characteristics it was a complex rural-urban svstem, and a dual sedentarv-nomadic svstem
The rural-urban system saw the development of an important urban centre, which was a ceremonial centre and had different facilities but was not a housing centre, the houses were built in the rural areas peripheral to the cities This complex model has partially survived until the present
The nomadic-sedentary model consisted of a static city as a centre and nomadic houses around it this model had a logic in that through time the ceremonial centres accumulated a big investment, so it was not possible, nor was there any need, to move them while the houses depended on the agricultural plots around them Ihe soil of Yucatan is ven poor as it is a massive calcarean rock with less than 8 cm (3 in) of organic soil I his soil allowed the Mayan people to have three or four good harvests, but after that the soil was not useful for decades They had to move in search of new soils while keeping their link with their city and group, respect of this system has been essential since then to keep the ecological equilibrium
Around the house was the family land, and an integral production system generally delimited with a fence the plot with its agricultural fields proportionately allocated to edible products {corn, vegetables, fruit, honevand turkevs) to fabrics (henequcn and cotton), and to house building (wood for the columns, branches for the walls and palm leaves for the roof), so the house was autonomous in terms of basic inputs and fulfilment of only the more sophisticated needs as sought in the city
In the early period the family worked during two-thirds of the year and the other third was dedicated to different activities in the city, such as plastic arts, music, dance, astronomy and construction I his principle explains why the houses were so austere in contrast to the richness and monumentality of the city, and was broken some centuries before the arrival of the Spanish conquerors Since then the Mayas have altered the ecological and cultural equilibrium of their region The Mayan urban system fell into decadency and gradually disappeared, unlike the rural system which is alive as a production and consumption system around the Mavan rural house With successive conquests the Mayans lost their religion and their government but they have always kept their way of life symbolized by their house
Ihe ephemeral character of the Mayan houses of antiquity has not allowed them to survive intact but we know what they were like through the great descriptions of the codices, their description in the reliefs in such important archaeological centres as Uxmal and Labna or in the murals, and we can establish that they have not changed for centuries
In this way the contemporary old Mayan house constitutes an educational example of adaptability to the natural environment to change in a dynamic way.

Maya (Campeche)
Campeche is the Mexican state that encompasses the western half of the Yucatan peninsula I he topography of the state ranges from flat coastal and inland plains to the upraised Puuc hills region that forms the border with the state of Yucatan Palms and grasses form the vegetation of the coastal area in the west and continue eastward as savanna These savannas grade into areas of tropical jungle along the eastern edge of the state and remain as some of Mexico's last stands of mature indigenous vegetation Ihe southern part of the state receives substantial precipitation, particularly during the months from lune to October I he north is drier and of scrubby tropical forest
Setdement occurs throughout Campeche and is uniformly hierarchical Settlements range in size and distribution from the single large city, Campeche, to towns and dispersely located villages of several hundred people Only the eastern portion of the state lacks secondarv centres and is entirely composed of small villages Settlement in the northern Puuc region is aggregated and villages are found at the locations of haciendas from the Spanish period which have wells reaching the water table at a depth of approximately 80 m (260 ft) Surface water is completely lacking m the north, and prior to the construction of hacienda wells the population existed by collecting rainwater, a practice that continues to this day In the south, surface water is
Yucatan and Central America 3 v 8
Dore Christopher, 1996 wauchope, Robert, 1938
Typical Mayan residential structure in the Puuc region of Campeche
more abundant and the water-table is shallower. In this area it is more common to find people living away from villages, a condition that is quite rare in the north.
Structure type also differs across the state. Both rectilinear and apsidal (oval) plans occur in the north while the plan shape in the south is almost exclusively rectilinear. Structures in the north are stone, cinder block or wattíe and daub. In the south, plank (vertical and horizontal) and cinder block structures are preferred. While the differences in plan are not understood, plank structures in the south can be correlated with the availability of larger trees in this area. Northern Campeche lacks trees large enough to mill planks. It is not known, however, if these structures offer any advantages over the pole structures farther north. Grass roofs, common in the south, are relatively rare in the north where palm is preferred. Grass has been mentioned as having a longer use-life than palm (Wauchope) and appears to be the preferred roofing material. The lower nu.mber of grass roofs in the north may be due to the differential distribution of grass itself, although the relationship appears to be more complex than this (Dore).
In general, villages in Campeche are divided into house lots (solares) bounded by a dry laid stone wall about i m (3 ft) high. Solares typically contain from one to five structures that function as residences, kitchens and storehouses. Structures are usually apsidal or rectilinear and are constructed of pole or limestone. Roofs of most structures are hipped or gabled but shed roofs occasionally occur. The roof is typically supported by four vertical posts with crosspoles and is structurally independent from the walls. Walls, usually constructed from poles set vertically adjacent and lashed together or woven through horizontal crosspieces, are often set upon a foundation of one or two courses of dry laid stone. Structures serving as residences and storehouses are typically daubed on the interior but kitchens are usually not. When limestone is used for wall material, it is also structurally independent from the roof and frame.
In a typical village in the Puuc region (Dore), houses have an average area of 19 sq m (205 sq ft), kitchens 10 sq m (no sq ft) and storehouses 14 sq m (150 sq ft). Walls average just over
1.5 m (5 ft) with the height of the entire structure being just over 3 m (10 ft). Roof pitches are around 38°. Most structures have two entrances opposite each other on the structure's long sides.
While occurring more in towns than in villages, there is also a vernacular tradition utilizing cinder blocks. Buildings in this tradition range from small one-room to large multi-room structures. Cinder block structures are exclusively rectilinear in plan. These structures may function as residences or may be used commercially. Roofs of these structures are flat and are constructed of cinder blocks supported by cement beams.
Towns throughout Campeche tend to have more structures with a rectilinear plan than do villages. They consist of a mix of cinder block and organic structures. Cities generally lack organic structures. They are composed almost entirely of cinder block architecture that is usually constructed by specialists rather than by users.


2011. február 27., vasárnap

Maori ház / Maori House

A maorik hagyományos lakóháza. Valószínűleg már egy sincs belőlük, ami hitelesnek tekinthető lenne. A maorik polinéz származásúak, legnagyobb részük Új-Zélandon él.

maori kultúra
összefoglaló a maorikról
maori művészet
maori falu
mielőtt leigáztuk őket
egy példa
másik példa
harmadik példa
közösségi ház 1
közösségi ház 2
maori harci kenu

1 Vll 5 g Symbolism: ancestral (Maori)
Carving traditions and decorative styles among the Maori vary from area to area and from tribe to tribe within them. Serpentine designs, based on an 'S' double-curve were used in the west and northwest of the North Island of New Zealand. This style, largely made with stone tools, declined with the arrival in the region of the Europeans. Square designs are associated with the east coast, the term referring to the overall shape and the frontal aspect of the figures carved; flowing and interlacing lines within these shapes are characteristic of all styles. Eastern styles were facilitated by the use of European steel tools, and spread with the carving of meeting houses {whare hui), principally with adze and chisel.
Whare hui of the 'modern' period date from 1842, with the construction ofTe Hau ki Turanga (Spirit ofTuranga) under the direction of the chief of the Ngata Kaipoho tribe, Raharuhi Rukopo, who also did much of the carving with his 18 assistants. This meeting house was later confiscated as reparations and is now in the Wellington Museum, but Te Mana O Turanga at Whakato marae was built to replace it. Opened in 1883 it was
renovated in the 19405 and still survives Many meeting houses were built in the latter pait of the igth century and after igoo, incorporating some of the svmbohc and functional features oř a chief's house, place of worship, genealogical record and guesthouse Possibly the oldest and among the most splendid outside a museum, is le lokanganui-A-Noho, opened in 1874 Following relocation and partial rebuilding, it is situated in le Kum
The symbolism of the iDhare liui is expressed both in its structure and in its decoration Ihe facade customarily featured bargeboards (maijhi) carved in relief signifj'ing arms which terminated in rararapa or fingers which were also carved and sometimes pierced, though the carvings on them might depict mythical figures on the flanking boards At the peak of the maihi gable a mask (koruru) was often displayed to whom foi-mal speech was directed, it was regarded as the head of the common ancestor whose body was the meeting house Sometimes this was surmounted by a carved ancestral figure, the tekotepo The part of the ridge-pole that was visible inside the porch sometimes had carvings of the piimal parents, the sk> father Ranginui and the earth mothei, Papatuanuku The door way symbolized the passage from the material world to the spiritual world and was often spanned by a richly carved lintel Ihis might depict a squatting, pregnant female or manaia, or supporting figures with raised arms, symbolizing life forces Read as a whole, the carvings linked the specific genealogical history of the tribal group with creation myths and the lelation-ship of spirits including those of the ancestors to the human world and to principles oř existence
Within the meeting house the suppoi ting poles oř the backbone or ridge were also deeply carved, the front post (poutahu) symbolizing the Life-giver lane while Death (Hinenuitepo) was symbolized by the back pole (poutuarontjo) Between them the ridge-pole was painted with the plump tendrils of a gourd plant which were also entwined on the rafteis Ihese link the ancestors carved on the supporting wall slabs with the backbone' the repetition of the patterns in red (prosperity) and black (adversity) on white counting the generations, their respective pioportions reflecting the historical fortunes oř the tribe
Lining the porch or veranda of the meeting house and within weie latticework panels (tukutuku) woven by the women in geometric patterns Made from bracken and fern stems, flax and a climbing plant (kiekie) the patterns were also svmbohc Poutama represented steps, svmbolizing aspiration, patiki, a fish, sym-
bolized rood resources, and purapiiro wheiu was a motif that symbolized the heavens Tukutuku panels have enjoyed a revival in the late 20th century
Among notable aihare fiui in use, and in some cases built in the 20th century are Uenuku meeting house. Maketu' le Puea Herangin at Waikato, Hontunui at Parawai, (donated to Auckland Museum in 1929), Mahinarangi at Ngaruawahia, completed in the same year, Raukawa at Otaki, renovated and re-opened in 1936, and Takitimu at Wairoa, still functioning decades later.
1 VII 5 g-i Symbolism: cosmic
Cosmic symbols often adorn the surface decoration oř domestic architecture A cosmologv is a set of fundamental concepts concerning the organization of reality and the place of human society within it Through cosmic symbolism, vernacu lar architecture helps ordei human experience in accordance with the basic ontological premises of a culture
Cosmic svmbohsm varies cross-culturally Heuristicallj, however, we can isolate a symbol itself fiom its message and context It IS also useful to consider four characteristics of svm-bols single versus multiple meaning static or contextual meaning, iconic versus aniconic significance, and overt or embedded messages I hese points are illustrated below
Batammaliba (Africa) houses symbolize the entire cosmos (Blier) Painted fork icons reference Oyinkakwata the sky god, and the fruit tree branches that support the sky Clay horns attached above the front door signify Kuiye, the solar god, as well as testicles and thus fertility and reproduction During funerals the horns are dropped from the house, which is then draped with mortuary cloths that evoke initiation ceremonies and the eternal cvcle of death, life, and regeneration In this manner, the horns are multiple and contextual cosmic svm-bols Below them, moulded circular bosses surrounded by white feathers svmbohzeřertihtv and especiallv Butan the goddess of the earth who hatched humanity
As a body, new Batammaliba houses have a smooth skin of plaster and the cicatrization marks of female initiation I louses are also painted with colouis and patterns associated with lesser deities, cosmic principles (e g temporality and kinship), and the division of the universe into the earth, underworld and sky Batammaliba house decoration thereby signifies cosmic creation and regeneration, and integrates persons, bodies and the universe into an ordered whole
North American Plains Indian tipis were also often painted with representations of mythological deities, events, and the different realms of the cosmos (Nabokov and Easton) Likewise, Bawomatalua (Indonesia) houses of village rulers are adorned with sculptures that represent a cosmos delineated into a hierarchy of levels respectively populated by deities, aerial creatures and humans, and earth denizens (Feldman)
Many architectural traditions, however, express cosmic principles through anicomc symbols The Maori (New Zealand) ornamented vernacular structures with linear patterns that conform to dual symmetries (Hanson) Ihese motifs do not signify particular deities and beliefs but rather reflect an embedded grammar that partitions the cosmos into binary


2011. február 26., szombat

Maszáj kunyhók / Masai Huts

A maszájok Kenyában és Tanzánia északi részén élnek, hagyományos épületeik szerkezete hajlított faváz, trágyával tapasztott szalma vázkitöltéssel. A házak alapterülete 15-25 négyzetméter, egy család lakja őket, de még a növendék állatoknak is jut bennük hely. Egy maszáj karámfalu (masai kraal) általában 15-30 házból áll, ezek kör alakban helyezkednek el, az egész települést tüskés ágcsomók veszik körül. A falu, és így a házak is a legeltetés körülményei szerint vándorolnak. A házakat nők építik és tartják karban, a férfiak a biztonságért felelősek, a fiúk legeltetnek. A vének határozzák meg reggelente a teendőket a falu összes lakója számára.



maszáj falu
Maasai Association
képsorozat egy maszáj faluról
további példák

3 VI11 d Iringa (Tanzania c)
The Iringa occupy a fertile upland region in central Tanzania, at latitude 8 °S, between the and lands of the Masai Steppe and Eastern Rift to the north and the lush slopes of the Rift Vallev around Lake Nyasa (Lake Malawi) to the south
Ihc) graze cattle, but not in the fanatical manner found in the Masai, and grow crops, principally maize Ihey construct rectangular buildings of watde and daub which are subdivided internally by partitions I hey can be freestanding or grouped to form two- three- or four-sided compounds, in which case sections of the inner wall facing the compound are sometimes omitted to form semi-enclosed shelters Lven when grouped like this the gabled roof form is retained and merely extended where necessary to cover the intersection
Most of the basic roof forms that can be constructed with branches are found in lanzania pitched with ridge-poles and rafters, gabled or hipped, flat with mud covering, domed, and conical - with or without a central pole and with or without vertical walls Iringa roof construction is an interesting transition between the steeply-pitched, thatched, ridge-pole roofs found in the wet areas of Malawi and the domed, mud-covered huts of
the Masai's dry country which have walls that curve over in a continuous arc to form the roof Instead of ridge-poles Iringa huts have a pair of purlins set either side of the centre point to allow the rafters to be bent over in a continuous curve eliminating the ridge The rafters project to form overhanging eaves which protect the vertical mud-covered walls Over the rafters are tied closely spaced 'battens' of bamboo or similar branches which support the thatch Sometimes the battens are rendered with a mud daub before being covered with a thin thatch but in other examples the mud is omitted and the thatch is thicker
With these simple forms the Iringa reflect both climatic influences and the cultural influences of their neighbours.

Jancsó Miklós

Dorze kunyhó / Dorze Hut

A Dorze törzs Etiópia belsejében, az Omo körzetben él. Hagyományos házuk az "elefánt alakú szalmakunyhó". Egyes adatok szerint akár 12 méter magas is lehet. A szokatlan magasság magyarázata: ha az éhes termeszek elrágják az alját, levágnak belőle, és pár erős férfi átköltözteti a házat egy újabb, akkor még termeszmentes helyre. Míg a ház nem lesz túl alacsony... Szerkezete a képek alapján fából és egyéb növényi anyagokból készül, átmérője 5 méter, alapterülete 20 négyzetméter körül lehet.


vannak a világban elképesztő dolgok

3.VII.3.f Dorze (Ethiopia, s)
The Dorze tribe are found in the Gemu-Gwefa region on the highlands of southern Ethiopia. They are industrious people renowned for their skill in weaving. They are weavers not only of houses but also of cloth; they use the same word for both activities. House weaving is a special skill, and often passes from father to son.
Construction of a house begins by finding a builder and obtaining bamboo and thatch. A small house can be finished in five days while the time needed for a large house is 22 days. The height of a house sometimes exceeds 8 m (26 ft) and is usually not less than 6 m (20 ft). There is a good reason for making it as high as it is, for in time the vertical split bamboo will rot away. The house is then cut from its rotten base before a strong wind can blow it over, lifted up and replanted in the earth. This is done as often as necessary until the house becomes too low for normal human activities. As a rule the height of the house is reduced by about 20 cm (8 in) every four years.
The circle on which the house is built is drawn by making a compass of a tall pole, a piece of string and a sharpened bamboo stick which draws a line on the packed soil of the house platform. The average diameter of a house is about 7-8 cm (23-26 ft). On the circle split bamboo pieces are driven into the ground approximately 10 cm (4 in) apart.
A series of horizontal rings are interlocked between the vertical pieces, from the bottom to the top. The diameter of the horizontal rings ofbamboo gradually reduces until at the top of the house the ring is almost closed. When the house reaches a certain height, the builder must construct a scaffolding from which to condnuc the work. A branch is hung near the top of the house in the belief that it protects the house from the evil eye.
After the main body of the structure is woven, a projecting nose-like canopy is added. On a small house, the canopy will simply form a cap over the door, curving a third of the way down its heightand keeping out the summer rains. On a large house,
the canopy forms an anteroom which can easily accommodate
eight people. The largest houses are closed with a wooden door
which locks from inside or outside, the alternative, used in most smaller houses and to close openings in fences, is a woven bamboo door, which slides into place behind two poles, and IS barred from inside
After the weaving is completed thatching begins Sometimes straw and bamboo shoot (qatta) are combined in patches for thatching When qatta is used two pieces are placed one on top of the other, and slide into place under the retaining bamboo strips Qatta is very closely spaced, one layer overlapping all but
2 5 cm (i in) of the preceding one, and o i sq m (i sq ft) is covered by approximately 24 of these bamboo shoots I he very top of the house where the weaving is drawn together into a dome is finished by pegging some vertical strips of bamboo string into an attractive topknot
rhe interior of a Dorze house has two distinct areas separated by a bamboo partition approximately 2 m (6 5 ft) high The back portion serves as a kind of store, whereas all other activities are carried out in the front area A small fireplace consisting essentially of three stones is located almost in the middle of the room Halfway along the wall there are tiny openings that serve mainly for letting smoke out Ihe house is completely watertight and has no openings except for the door The floor IS of clay, smoothed and hardened with a mixture ofwater and manure
Dorze houses can be transported when the land they occupy IS required for some common use Before a house is dug up, the front canopy, if there is one, is removed and strips of split bamboo are sewn in rings around the lower portion of the wall to help the house keep its shape, during transportation Men carry the house to the new site When the house reaches the platform prepared for it, broken portions of the house are soon mended and the canopy replaced, often the house is newly thatched
When a compound disappears, having rotted away from old age, an inconspicuous memorial of sticks will be leaned together conically to commemorate it.


Jancsó Miklós

2011. február 22., kedd

Mudhif / Mudhif

Errefelé lehettek mudhifok, amíg az iraki vezetés le nem csapolta a mocsarakat:
...inkább a háború nyomai?

666. oldal, alaprajz.

A mudhif egy vendégház, fogadóhelyiség, tanácskozóhely és szállás egyszerre a mocsári araboknál, a madan népcsoportnál, a mai Irak déli részén. A nádból emelt hosszúkás csarnokban egy-egy eseményre akár nyolcvan ember is összegyűlik. Egyterű, csarnokszerű épület, bejárata a muszlim kor óta mindig Mekka felé néz. Imahely is, ha nincs más szentély a településen. A falu vezetői itt fogadják a vendégeket, akik itt is alhatnak. Kisebb falvakban mindig ez a legnagyobb ház. A körülbelül 10 méter hosszú nádat csomóba kötötték, majd parabolikus íveket formáltak. Az legősibb mudhifek 2 méter szélesek, 6 méter hosszúak és kicsit kevesebb, mint 3 méter magasak voltak.

belső fotó

Futár Dóra &

1 IX 1 g Guest-house' mudhif (Ma dan)
Of all the Ma dan buildings of the huphrates marshes the guest-house (mudliif) is the largest It takes the form of a large chamber with an arched structure, ranging in size from 7 5 m (25 ft) to 30 m (100 ft) in length and 3 m (10 ft) to 4 5 m (15 ft) in width Traditionally it employs an odd number of arches which may range from 7 to 17 The end walls are supported by four reed pillars or palm-trunk pillars faced in reed two taller central ones flanking the doorless entrance two lowei ones to mark the corners Often a dark green or black flag IS stuck into one of these pillars, particulaily during Muslim festivals Ihe end walls have intricate lattice-work patterns above the doorways and in the smaller flanking openings which match the status of the mudhif s size
The mudhij owes its origin to the tents in which pre-Islamic Bedouin sheiks entertained and accommodated travellers. These brought esteem on sheik and guest alike, in much the same way as the European hall used to do, since hospitality was an important duty. This need was transferred to the marshes, particularly the marshes on the west side of the Tigris where the influence of Bedouin customs has been stronger. Here, its accommodation took on a semi-permanent guise in the form of the largest possible form of reed-built chamber as opposed to the transportable form of a tent that it had formerly assumed.
In much the same way as the European aristocratic hall came to be built by people lower in society in the late Middle Ages, so was the mudhijin comparatively recent times. The decline in the power of sheikdoms and their eventual abolition saw the mudhif taken up by ordinary tribesmen. So what had begun as a place where a sheik would officiate at meetings of the tribesmen to hold a council of war, a court of justice, a discussion of lesser economic or social matter, or to perform a religious rite, became a more general social centre where tribesmen drank coffee with their headsman at sunrise before work, and to a lesser extent in the afternoon, and took part in feasts and religious ceremonies.
The ceremonial serving of coffrée is still a major function of the mudliif. Near the entrance the headsman tends to the brewing of coffee in a brass pot heated over a small fire where small pats of buffalo dung burn with intense heat. In the winter, the fire is placed nearer the centre of the mudhif. Beyond the fire, the floor of the mudhijmay be richly carpeted. Some mudhijs have a second entrance in the further end for the purpose of admitting servants. Guests gather on cushions placed down each side of the mudhif and recline on the low reed rail attached to the insides of the arches. Where they sit depends on social status, the more favoured sitting nearer the fire. The lower the owner of a mudhif is socially, the less formality is observed. Even so, formality determines how everyone is addressed and governs conversation generally, as each person sips coffee from small brass cups, or takes part in the full etiquette of a feast.


Beduin sátor/ Bedouin Tent

Berber sátorról: 563. oldal


Beduin pásztorok ősi, sivatagi lakhelye. Sok hasonlóságot mutat a berber sátrakkal. Építésüknél a legfontosabb szempont a mobilitás, a túllegeltetés elkerülése és a más törzsekkel való kereskedelmi érintkezés megvalósítása miatt. Teve-terelő nomádok, mint például a közép-szudáni Kabābīsh törzs épít ilyen hagyományos sátrakat. Téglalap alaprajzú, teveszőr szövéssel készült csíkokkal borított építmény, a sarkokon levert póznákhoz hevederekkel rögzítve. A sátor közepén elhelyezett íves tartó biztosítja az egész szerkezet stabilitását. A sátrak mérete változó, az egy-két személyes pár négyzetméterestől, a képen is látható óriásig.

Paul Oliver: Dwellings 20, 33, 133, 134, 136, 137. old.
A beduinokról
Sátrakról általában

Radványi Péter

2 iv.4.b Bidül Bedouin (Jordan, s)
The Bidül Bedouin are a tribe of 2000 people in the vicinity of Petra, Jordan. Traditional Bidül subsistence is based upon goat herding, supplemented by the seasonal cultivation of small plots of barley, wheat and tobacco. Donkeys and a few camels are kept as beasts of burden. Mobility was traditionally variable from year to year, reflected in the mix of farming versus herding, and in the variety of architecture.
Bidül residential architecture takes three forms: black, goat hair tents (bayt), use of ancient, Nabataean tombs as caves (dar), and masonry structures in canyon alcoves (tur). The first two types are the most ancient, but archaeology has demonstrated use of alcoves since the 17th century.
One of the oldest forms of vernacular architecture, black tents are constructed of goat hair strips handwoven on ground looms; measuring 60-80 cm (23-31 in) wide, the strips extend along the length of the tent, the ends being sewn together to make longer strips if necessary. Goat hair is preferred because sheep wool stretches, and camel hair is too short and weak. The strips are sewn together along their length to make tents of various sizes, but the standard is about 15 m (50 ft) long by 3.5 m (11.5 ft) wide by 2 m (6.5 ft) high. Tents can be placed end to end to make larger structures. 12-15 poles ('am'ud) 2-3 m (6.5-10 ft) long support the ridgeless roof at points reinforced with tent fabric or wooden support plates. Webbing reinforcement bands are of two types: bands about 15 cm (6 in) wide extend transversely at points where sets of poles occur; and short strips, 15-25 cm (6-10 in) long and about 15 cm (6 in) wide, are placed only at points requiring reinforcement. The structure is tethered with manila ropes threaded through wooden fittings and tied to as many or more stakes as there are poles. The back and sides (ru'atj) are attached by wooden pins or large nails. On hot days, the flaps are raised permitting full ventilation. In the winter a front flap is added to fully enclose the tent. Large tents take 30 minutes to erect with five people and can be erected, or changed in aspect, by a single person. The tents are often, but not always, internally divided transversely, using various fabrics. Dividers separate activities, gender, and in the winter, animals and humans. Most tents have inside and outside fire hearths, and activities including food preparation, eating, and men's sleeping often occur outside and in front of the tent. As the tents age, individual strips are replaced, typically one per year for a tent in continuous use. 1 larmonizing with the environment, black tents provide shade, privacy, ventilation, protection from thunderstorms and sand storms, and moderate protection from cold temperatures. Their continued use for thousands of years reflects their ability to meet the needs of various circumstances.
Division of space is by transverse partitions as the tents are too narrow to divide lengthwise. Many have divisions with women and children separated to one or other end of the tent. However, there are also many tents with no physical divisions at
all, despite the presence of women, pre-adolescent females, young adult females and men of various ages. In these cases, division of space is by activity area including sleeping areas (interior for women, exterior for men); a hearth for eating and communal activities within the tent (almost always in the centre section); another hearth at the edge of the tent or outside used for the same activities or as a supplemental hearth; a kitchen preparation/storage and yoghurt (laban) processing area (always at one end). Animals are only kept in tents during the winter (Petra often receives snow) and they are allotted a centre section, or one entire end of the tent in the case of small tents. These patterns can also be seen in the 'archaeological' organization of abandoned tents.
Petra is the site of an ancient Nabataean city known for spectacular monuments carved into sheer sandstone cliffs. The Nabataeans buried their dead in rectilinear caves quarried into the stone. During the Byzantine period, the cit\' met its demise, and most of the tombs were looted, leaving empty shells subse-quentíy used by nomadic peoples. Habitation in caves is common in the Near East, and the use of tombs is but an extension of this practice adapted to the availability of the latter, and to the economic effects of a growing tourist industry tethering the Bidül to this area. Typically, a family simply moves their belongings into a tomb and the spatial patterning of activities remains similar to tent encampments. Some tombs have been modified by the construction of masonry fronts of sandstone, cement or cinder block. Sizes are variable, but rooms average 13 sqm (140 sqft).
Habitations in alcoves in the rugged sandstone terrain were used within the past few decades, but last observed in 1986. These represent short- and long-term occupations, typically associated with herding. Remains include hearths, masonry retainingwalls to level the floor, and layers of animal dung, and some exhibit structural investments in dry-laid sandstone masonry rooms, storage, and animal pens. Typically located in the rugged terrain surrounding Petra proper, the alcove habitations are not widely known, and are often situated on steep canyon slopes on circuitous routes of access.
In 1985, the Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan constructed a modern setdement for the Bidül, hastening the departure from traditional architecture. Alcove and tomb residences fell into disuse between 1986 and 1990. Aspects of spatial organization and the activity structure within the cinder block houses of the settlement mimic those of tent life, but only a few tent encampments remain in remote areas to assist with herdingand for intermittent use by elderly individuals who resist full settlement. While tent weaving is still done, it is disappearing rapidly. Production has shifted towards commercial rug weaving with designs.


2011. február 21., hétfő

Inuit iglu / Inuit Igloo

1795. oldal: Iglulik, Baffin island


3 VM f Iglulik (Baffin Island, lab nwt)
The Iglulik's domain includes the northwest shores of Hudson Bay, Melville Peninsula, and northern Baffin Island They and their 'neighbours' (Baflfinland Eskimos and Inuit of Quebec to the east and southeast. Caribou Eskimos to the south, and Netsilik and Copper Eskimos to the west) constitute the Central Eskimos (Inuit) All were semi-nomads who focused primarily on seals or caribou
Sheltering up to 50 people in as many as 10 conjoined snow houses, Iglulik winter villages were built near the shore or on sea-ice Construction ideally required two men, one to cut snowblocks, the other to build with them Blocks came from what would be the tunnel and sunken front half of the floor After erecting a circular row some 5 m (16 ft) in diameter, the builder cut down part of it diagonally to facilitate the subsequent spiralling blocks of this parabolic main dome Added next were a pond-ice window, facing south towards daylight, and a vent-hole overhead, while women and children chinked holes with snow chunks and shovelled snow to insulate the exterior Built last, tunnels effectively reduced air drafts Practised teams could finish a house m an hour or less
Brush, baleen strips, and/or furs covered the large rear platform that served residents day and night Small side platforms were for storage and the essential mammal oil lamp, above which hung a cooking pot and drying rack I wo families might
share a sleeping platform, each to its own side of the platform, at which women regulated the lamp for heat and light.
Snow houses varied. Tunnels were either domed or flat-walled and -roofed. Cut into the front face of platforms, niches permitted extra storage. Copper Eskimo dances took place in an appended dome, and low exterior walls kept winds from eroding the residential dome. Only Caribou Eskimos cooked over heather fires in an antechamber. In spring, they removed their main dome's melting centre and substituted a skin roof, whereas Copper Eskimos used poles to create flat or gabled skin roofs as the weather warmed.
Central Eskimos split into small family units in summer and lived m tents of two types, ridge or conical. Covers of sewn caribou or seal furs were weighted with rocks or other materials. Iglulik tents were perhaps 2-3 m x 5 m (6.5-10 ft x 16 ft) and used a centre pole topped with a short crosspiece at the rear. A thong connected that pole to a front one, acting as ridge and guy line. Caribou Eskimos and some Inuit of Québec lived in conical tents with protruding poles and laced-up covers; Netsilik tents were centre-pole cones with radiating weighted thongs that spread the cover. Copper Eskimos modified the basic cone by adding a ridge pole and enlarging the cover forward.
Like other Central Eskimo autumn houses (qarmats) designed for one or two families, the Iglulik version had stone, bone and turf walls beneath a skin roof Iglulik also built an ice-slab, skin-roofed house of octagonal plan 4 m (13 ft) in diameter.


Korowai "faház" / Korowai Tree House


A korowai (ma is létező) törzs mintegy 2800 tagot számlál, gyűjtögető-vadászó életmódot folytatnak, a fák lombkoronájának a szintjén élnek, Pápua-Új Guineában. Az akár 30 méter magasan épült faházaik biztonságot nyújtanak nekik a szúnyogok, a vadállatok és más ellenséges törzsek támadásai elől is (gyújtogatás, kifüstölés).

Magyar nyelvű cikk
Korowai - life in trees

Tarcali Dávid

2011. február 17., csütörtök

Batak Toba ház / Batak Toba House

1112. oldal
Szerkesztés: 564-565. oldal.


Észak-Szumátrában hat Batak törzs él, ezek közül az egyik a Toba krátertó melletti Batak Toba nép. Kis falvakban élnek, ahol a házak védelmi célból szorosan egymáshoz közel épülnek, illetve épültek még a múlt században. Eredeti formájukban általában már nem lakják őket, legtöbbjük állapota erősen leromlott, tetejüket rozsdás hullámlemezek fedik.
Ma már csak egy, de eredetileg több család lakott egy házban, akár négy is. A házakat lábakra állították, a földszint állattartásra és munkavégzésre szolgált, az emeleten volt a "lakás", ide csak egy könnyen felhúzható létrával lehetett eljutni, ami az állandó törzsi háborúskodás miatt bizonyult hasznosnak. A legfelső szinten a bejárat fölött egy fedett-nyitott tároló hely, mögötte egy (számunkra) nehezen meghatározható, családi értékeket és szentélyt magába foglaló hely volt. Egy szint alapterülete 40-50 m2.

rajz 1 rajz 2 rajz 3
rokon: egy Batak Karo ház

2 II 3 e Batak (Toba) (Sumatra, c, e, s)
Inhabiting the eastern, southern and western shores of Lake Toba, the Toba Batak are the most populous of the seven Batak subgroups. Their vast territory further subdivides into regions characterized by variations in dialect, social organization and customs, as well as styles of dress and architecture. The inhabitants have traditionally been wet and dry rice agriculturalists.
Contact between the isolated mountainous Toba Batak region and the outside world intensified increasingly during the igth century; colonialism implied profound changes in all aspects of Toba Batak life, including the indigenous architecture. Batak carpenters were quick to learn how to build Euro-
pean-style buildings. Now few, if any, architects steeped in the traditions of the past remain. Constructing an 'adat house' or a vernacular Toba Batak home, is something which only the ver>' rich can afford and it is done for show. A modern urban trend to use Batak houses and their decorative features is manifest in the facades of political and municipal buildings. The significance of vernacular Toba Batak housing must be reconstructed from early colonial literature and Batak texts. While many early beliefs and also examples of Batak architecture live on in the syncretic modern world, it is in a piecemeal fashion.
The vernacular Toba Batak house is a symbol of what used to be the Batak universe, and a physical manifestation of the remarkable correspondence that obtained in Toba Batak thought between the social, political and spiritual domains.

and between the individual, village, and clan levels of social organization. The Toba Batak house (ruma), similar to the rice barn (sopo), is a large construction set upon stilts, and covered with a saddle-shaped roof. The finest specimens are carved and painted with characteristic house designs (gorga). The essential features ofthe house, characterized in particular by its stilts, its canoe-shaped side walls terminating in the protruding head of a mythical hybrid lion/snake/buffalo creature, and its saddle-shaped roof are recapitulated physically, in miniature wooden forms, and conceptually and linguistically in larger forms. The world, like the house, according to Toba Batak myth was set upon posts, and it was commonly believed that the human dwelling portion of the home was analogous to the middle layer of the three-tiered universe. The largest pre-colonial social and political community ofthe Toba Batak, the bius, was represented on ritual occasions by the buffalo, which the Toba Batak house, in one of its aspects, represents. The rite was presided over by four officials {raja na opat) analogous to the four main house posts. The spatial arrangement ofthe village reflected the spatial and social order regulating the interior of the home. The bed-cum-storage-box for the highest-standing member ofthe house had the shape ofthe house, as did, and still do, the coffin for the dead, the altar placed beside the grave, the altar hung from the rafters ofthe house, the sarcophagus for the reburied bones of respected ancestors, and even elaborate versions of stone rice mortars on the ground outside the house. The universe was the house writ large, just as the coffin is the house writ small. The house form, whether physically
manifest in wood, or conceptually regulating community structure, enveloped itself at different levels, like a Russian doll.
The house was home for body and soul providing both physical and spiritual protection and requiring, for its efficacy, physical and spiritual maintenance. The structural conventions ofthe house and correctly carved and painted decorations were essential to its power, as were the rituals prescribed before moving into it, and the offerings presented inside to ancestor and house spirits. When a Batak died and was placed in the house-shaped coffin, more than anything else he or she had 'changed residence' to embark on a new stage of spiritual existence in a new home. The house endured while its inhabitants came and went in lifecycle after lifecycle, rendering the house a powerful symbol ofthe enduring nature ofthe family. The clan house, often an extraordinary house specimen, and often the home ofthe clan leader, was this symbol par exceilcnce. Offerings made inside the house ensured the well-being and perpetuation of the clan.
2 II 3 e-i Toba: structure
In their construction, Toba houses and granaries are characterized by a unique roof and by a roof-supporting structure of posts and beams. The latter is assembled by mortising and secured by wedges, without the use of oblique struts or braces. Halfway up this post and beam structure is a floor. In the case of dwelling houses, outward slanting walls are fitted in between the edges of this floor and the roof Granaries (sopo) -now rare - do not have such walls, for the rice used to be stored in their attic. By having walls added later, granaries were, however, often changed into dwelling houses of a type that preserved the main structural characteristics ofthe granary.
In the ordinaiy ruma ^orija-type house, tie-beams are placed on top of the long posts. On the tie-beams the longitudinal pieces (called buaton) are placed, both fixed by long tenons projecting from the posts. From each ofthe two buaton is suspended, by means of numerous rattan thongs, a wooden board as support for the rafters. When after finishing the roof the side walls are added, this board also functions as a wall plate.
Inside the roof three triangular frames are placed in a slanting position (the middle one sometimes vertically). Two of these are filled with horizontal boards and function as gable walls. Their tops arc connected with one another and with the two longitudinal members at the foot ofthe roof by means of poles working on tension. The curved ridge-purlin is positioned in U-shaped recesses cut from the tops of these triangular frames. In the finished roof, it is tied to the more slender ridge-pole higher up, and the intersecting upper ends ofthe rafters are locked between the two ridge-pieces.
Toba roofs being considerably longer at the ridge than at the eaves, the intervals between the rafters - thin poles about 5 cm (2 in) in diameter - increase towards the top, except in the central section ofthe roof At the bottom, where the rafters fit with their pointed ends into holes worked out ofthe two supporting boards, the free distance between them may measure only about 12 cm (5 in). Higher up, three longitudinal poles are placed from inside against them, all crossings being fixed by ties. On the grid thus formed a curtain of fine laths is spread.

This provides an even surřlice for the thatch, which traditionally consisted of ijuk, a black fibre from the trunk of the sugar palm.
The roof construction of Toba granaries is quite similar, but granaries usually have only six long posts, and these are placed nearer to the central axis of the building. The attic floor, which is larger than the plan described by these posts, is supported by an additional layer of cantilever beams. On top of it, a rectangular frame is fixed horizontally, consisnng of four narrow beams set on edge and jointed by mortising and pegging. It is from this wooden frame that are hung, in the case of granaries, the boards that carry the rafters.
Comparative studies suggest that the Toba roof system here described may derive from former types in which the ridge beam, together with the upper ridge-pole, was carried by the rafters, while the triangular frames or gable walls were added merely as space-defining elements (Domenig). However, in order to fully understand the 'hanging roof peculiar to Toba structures, more studies paying particular attention to local variations in different villages are necessary.

Batak Toba_szov1112_14.txt
Jancsó Miklós

Fucsien Tulou / Fujian Tulou

605. oldal talán

A Fucsien Tulou meghatározása a következő: "Döngölt föld falakból és fa vázzal épült többemeletes erődített épület a délkelet-fucsieni hegyvidéki térségben, amelyben nagy lakóközösség él". (The Fujian Tulou is defined as: "A large multi storey building in southeast Fujian mountainous region for large community living and defense, built with weight bearing rammed earth wall and wood frame structure.") Nagyobbrészt kerek formájúak, de előfordul négyzet alaprajzú is.
Még ma is több, mint 20.000 tulou van, a legrégebbiek 700 évesek. Általában 3-5 szintesek, átmérőjük elérheti a 60 métert. Egyes épületekben akár 80 család is lakik. A külső gyűrűben a lakások, belül a földszinten közösségi épületek találhatók


Jancsó Miklós

2 I 4 e Fujian (Huanan, e)
The vernacular architecture of Fu)ian province, in southeastern coastal China, has been shaped by geography, historical factors such as periodic ethnic migrations, and by the availability of various building materials The region can be divided into two distinctive building types brick houses of coastal Fu)ian, and the rammed earth houses of mountainous western Fu)ian Two other building tvpes, the timber-framed houses of northeastern Fu|ian and the stepped, horse-gable-
roofed masonr\ houses of northern and northwestern I u|iaii draw heaviK from the vernaculai architecture of neighbouiing Jiangxi and Zhe|iang provinces Despite regional variations in construction and roof type the eastern coastal, northeastern and northwestern houses are identical in interior plan and volume three to five ba\ s wide with a central courtvard Houses are one or two store\s in height and large houses are made up of combinations of the basic three-ba\ unit
Fu]ian is quite mountainous and punctuated b\ manv rivers Only 10 per cent of the province, located along the coast is arable land, with 80 per cent mountainous and the balance water Fhe terrain has made communication between settlements difficult limiting the exchange of information and building practices Building tiaditions have developed locally, rather than extending throughout the province Where there is communication between communities it is cross-bordei or across water beuveen northeastern I ujian and Jiangxi between northwestern I ujian and Zhejiang and between coastal Fujian and laiwan, less than 200 km (125 mi) away across the Taiwan Strait
1 he lesidents of eastern I u|ian are piimarily descendants of Qingdvnasty migrants fiom central China, bringing with them China's prevailing courtyard tradition with its principles of central axis, svmmetrv and formal hierarchy of graduated rooms or halls Hakka people migrated to the region later, settling in the western mountainous region, and bringing with them the traditions of defensive clan dwelling
Houses built along the arable coastal plain are of timber-frame construction, with facades of red brick, or a combination of granite and red brick These are heavy materials able to withstand the high winds and heavy rains of season il monsoons and frequent coastal typhoons Stone is not dressed, but squared off and of irregular but roughK rectangular form Brick IS used in two forms a thin brick biscuit, which is dn -laid between stone courses and moulded brick often over-fired, with burned faces exposed to create a decorative checkerboard pattern During the late Qing dynasty influences from tiading partners in Southeast Asia inspired a new brick firing method in which brick is staggered in kilns, and the final piocedure of sprinkling used to create traditional Chinese green or grey brick IS omitted, creating vaiiegated shades of red instead Greyish granite is used as a base or sill course, and appears in carved column bases and occasionallv in relief on stone lintels
above entrance doors. Window and door surrounds feature
carved decoration, influenced bv the Chuanzhou tradition of
Guangdong province to the south Black tile roofs feature
turned-up eaves in a swallow-tail profile Roofs are flush with
gable-end walls, with no overhang, to prevent uplift in the high
winds of the typhoon season In material and decoration, the
houses of coastal Fupan icsemblc those of nearby laiwan, 1
principal trading partner With access both to arable land and
the sea for trade, coastal Fu|ian prospered, and this is reflected
in the resources lavished on dramaticallv contrasting materials.
decorative carved granite, elaborate patterned brickwork, and
extravagant, soaring tile roofs
The houses of northeastern Fu|ian are of timber-framed construction, infilled with rammed earth, mud or stone Gable
roofs with deep, overlungiiig eaves,