A Xingu indiánok lakóhelye. A Xingu indiánok kifejezés nem egy törzsre utal, hanem a Xingu folyó mentén élő indián törzsekre, kajapók stb. Az asszonyok a maniókaültetvényeken dolgoznak, a férfiak pedig vadásznak, halásznak. Lakóhelyük az ősi maloca kör alaprajz továbbfejlesztése, favázra rakott, kúpos, pálmalevelekkel fedett építmény. Hozzávetőlegesen egy maloca 30-40 méter hosszú, 16 méter széles és elérik a 9 méteres magasságot. Több család is lakik egy malocában. Egy-egy kunyhó mintegy harminc embernek nyújt fedelet. Hat hónap alatt építenek föl egyet, s körülbelül tizenöt évig tart.falu
rafters are fixed into the ground surrounding the peripheral struts and placed far enough from them to be tied to the ridgepole, fixed on top of the central struts. The ridge-pole is perceived as a stick on top of the head of someone who carries it, in this case, the house itself an anthropomorphic being. The back rafters are projected forward of the construction, forming its 'teeth'. They are tied to tree-trunks still with roots, which arc the 'ears' of the house. Wood segments, the 'earrings', pierce the 'ears' and touch the 'jaw' located inside the construction. Leather strips and laths reinforce the vaulted structure of the roof forming the other ribs-of-the-house. The covering- 'hair' - is a result of interlacing grass with the 'rib' laths. Sections of this vault have names such as buttocks, breast, back, neck and nape-of-the-house.
A special construction, the house of the flutes, or middle-house, is reserved for the purpose of socializing among male individuals, besides being considered a holy place. It contains the masks and the ritual equipment related to the ceremonial flutes which are forbidden to the women, and is where the men are painted for the celebrations. Close to this construction, still in the centre of the village, the boys' and teenagers' ear lobes are pierced. Thus, the Indians establish a clear separation between the public and private, reserving the centre of the village as a public place, equidistant from the periphery where the houses are located.
The geometrical centre of the upper Xingu village coincides with, or is the same as, the cemetery. The upper Xingu Indians also establish a gradation between the living and the dead, which is shown by various positions of burial sites within the tribal territory and their position in relation to the villages.
The area of the village is determined by the way people move
in it and it reveals how they relate to each other, indicating a diagram in which social relationships are printed and revealed.
3 V1 h Kayapó (Para)
Kayapó people belong to the lê speaking group of Amazonia. They inhabit the southeast of the state of Para between the Araguaia and the Xingu rivers. The settiement was located in a flat area near the jungle and the river. The landscape is composed of the semi-humid tropical jungle favourable for hunting and fishing. At the same time that the indigenous territorial boundaries were being setded, their agricultural activities had become the main base of their material subsistence. Agriculture does not relate to Kayapó cosmology but is conditioned by rain and dry weather.
Kayapó traditional dwellings respond to the hot climate of the northern region of Brazil. The plan form is rectangular without indoor divisions and the area varies according to the number of inhabitants. The roof has a stressed pitch and is covered with straw from the palm tree (babaçu). Three walls of the house are closed off with babaçu straw and the fourth is open to the courtyard with a wide veranda. The structure of the roof has stays, and a large beam tied with a flexible fibre bark (embira).
The interior is divided into sectors and localizes the places of each nuclear family. A rude bed (catre) is used for sleeping, as seating and as a table. The catre is made with four short stays, four beams and the leaves of a tree called Paxuba. The fire centralizes the catres and has the function of making the house warm during the cool nights. Many baskets, pans, gourds and wicker creel are hung on the stays and walls. At the veranda there are some balconies (jiraus) made of straw and mat woven from straw and palm. This area is where the food is dried, but in the backyard there is an earthen furnace where it is prepared and cooked.
Kayapó settlements have a circular form surrounded by dwellings. The centre of the settiement is the symbolic point where the rituals and ceremonies take place. The symbol of the world is represented by a round musical instrument, a inaraca, which is played during the ceremonies. While the male council meets at the central point, the women have their meeting at the veranda of the chief's house. Each day the men work and conduct their activities at the men's house which is on the west side of the settiement. This house has a rectangular plan form with a pitched roof When the Auranâ ceremony occurs the men's house is closed off with palm tree leaves, forbidding the entrance of women.
The Kayapó house represents the female place and the male visits it only to eat and sleep. It is inhabited by a nuclear family and eventually by others when the daughters get married, the descent being matrilineal.
The social morphology of Kayapó is beyond the settiement. Men and women occupy a variety of places according to the ecological, structural and social cycles during the year. At times of celebration the dwellings are abandoned and people sleep in the courtyard on woven mats. In the dry season they go to the plantation or jungle for hunting and fishing and lead a nomadic life, constructing temporary houses.
If the space is not a fundamental symbolic reference, the Kayapo tradition is maintained by the ceremonies and dance ritual I hese remind them about the past construct the present and reinforce the sense of living in a community